Mt. Vernon Republican (Mount Vernon, Ohio : 1854), 1856-01-29

              ,1 -. '..'! '.' vr'r ?! sr.''' ' I : 'V ! " ..: r V r ' '' . . . - , fi:ii 1 ' t. II I I J! II II II II ll I J I li ;vol.ii; 'Dipcncr vEiiivoiv:itEriinLicAN "-' ' rvausncD xvht TuasbAv mobmino. '.. Bit WM, H. OOOHBAM., ' 'KREMLIN IILOCK, VF-STAins. " film ; (3,00 Per Annum, if in Advance. ' . ADVERTISING- ., Th Rkfuimoan bti the la: gent circulation In the county and i, therefore, the best medium through which business men can advertise. Ad vertisements 'will be Inserted at the following ""'.' ' RATES. o a 1 square $ e. I e. c, $ e. $ c. f, e$, C$0. II 001 251 75 3 25 3 00 3,50 4,50 6 00 9 sqr's.,1 76 85 2S4 25,5 25 8 sqr's.,'9loj3 5u4 50 J5 006 00 6,00,6,75,8 00 7,008,0010 4 qr':,3 50 4 005 00 6 007 00 8,001000.12 1 square changeable monthly, $10; weekly, $15 i column changeable quarterly, 15 $J column changeable quarterly, , 18 column changeable quarterly, 25 1 column changeable quarterly 40 ETTwelve line in this type, are counted at a Square. "Editorial notices of advertisements, or callingattention to any enterprise intended to benefit individuals or corporations, will be charged for at the rate of 10 cents per line. ICT Special notices, before marriages, or taking precedence of regular advertisements, double Usual rates. CTNotices for meetings, charitable societies, fire companies, Ac, half price. ETAdvertisements displayed inlarge type to be charged one-half more than regular rates. IT All transient advertisements to be paid in advance, and none will be inserted unless for definite time mentioned AGENTS. The following persons are authorized to receive money on subscriptions for The BsrvBLi- oa, ana receipt therelor : Dr. J. 8. Ceoolt, Homer, Ohio." . Oio. Moose, ' Ratxond Bubb, ' Jr S. D. Joni, David Rib, HlNBT Ii. OsBOKIf, . Thomas Hance,' W.0.8tboxo, Rev. T. M. Fixnky, ' J.fo. Sapp, HCNBT BOYNTOX, Utica, Delaware, Granville Cbesterville, Bennington, Marengo, Frodencktown, Martinsburgh, Danville, Monroe Mills, . . The Price of Succesi. Effort is the price of success in every de psrtmcntof human action. " From the attainment of rudimental knowledge to the salvation of the soul, every step in our progress is made by undaunted toil. The boy drones over his book, a slave to listless laziness, thereby securing to himself a place at the foot of society. The Christian, who, like Bunyan's Timorous Mistrust, flees at the voice oflions, is undone. The man who shrinks from difficulty in his business or profession, who refuses to climb because the rock is sharp and the way steep, must make up his mind to slide back and to lie in the shadows below, while others use him as a stepping stone to their own rising. For ihis, such is the constitution of society, there is no help. The poet wrote truly who said ''Thou must either soar or stoop, Fall or triumph, stand or droop, Thou must either serve or govern; . Must be Blave or must be sovereign, Must in fact be block or wedge, - Must be anvil or be sledge-" To shake off an indolent spirit, or stir one's self to exertion, to reach constantly upward, to struggle with a firm foothold on the most slippery places, to wrestle manfully, even when principalities and powers are our foes, to refuse submission to any evils however frowning, are conditions we must either fulfil or sink to littleness, to uselessness perchance to ruin. Therefore, with a brave heart and unconquerable spirit, every man should address him self to the work of the day; striving with pure views and religous trust for an increase of his talent, and for a victory, which shall enable him to stand unabashed in the last day. He who thus strives need fear no failure. ' His triumph, though delayed for a time, shall come at last. A Griat Cocktrt. An innocett and pure minded Jonathan in a warm argument wilh a John Bull on our national institutions, was endeavoring to floor his antagonist who had sneekingly remarked that "fortunately the Americans couldn't go farther westward than the Pacific shore." Yankee searched Lis pregnant brain for an instant, and triumphantly replied "Why, good gracious, they're already leveling the Rocky mountains, and carting the dirt out West. ' I had a letter, last week, from my eousin, who is living two hundred miles west of the Pacific oa made land." 3T Our friend B is a very small man, 'and is greatly bored by remarks on his size; "recently he was standing near some gentlemen when pne of them addressed him, "wby, fip-penny-bil, is that you? JJidn't iee ya.,''.;Tnal,a a good comparison,' 'said B-k,'I' dm( like a lip among hall i dosn pennies, not so easily sect) bat. worth more than them all." , i was ahead there. s ! w, ) L vt n Widowu Gaizr A young widow was asked wby rte ires' gotago' wd so soon after the'death of her "first 'hnsband.i-' Ob, la!" said she) "I do it to 1 prevent frettrng myself to death on account of dear Th Laboist Yit . The largest cargo ever carried to .NewUrleans, on a sjeam-boat, arrived there on Sunday, 2d Inst., on board the John Bimonds.' She had 6,147 bales of cotton and 1,500 bags of wheat.- SPEECH OF ME. HALE In tht U. 3. Senate, Jan., 3, 1850 on the President' t Message. ' The Senators from Michigan, Messrs. Cass and Stewart, having risen to make personal explanations as to their positions on tho question of "Squatter Sovereignty" in connection with the Nebraska Bill, ' Mr. Halk said: Mr. President, I do not rise for the purpose of making a personal explanation, because I bolieve that tho country thinks of no very great consequence what tho opinion of any individual Senator may be; but, sir, I have not a word to say against tho propriety of those gentlemen from Northern States who voted for the Kansas-Nebraska bill, and are still members of the Senate, making explanations; for there is not one of them that has ever had his election submitted to the people of a free Slate, who has had a chance to make an explanation on this floor, or will be likely to get it very soon. Hence, I have not a word to s ay about that. I have but a single word to say in rela tion to what has fallen from the honorable Senator from Michigan, (Mr. Cass.) No body entertains a higher respect for that honorable Senator than I do. There is no State in tho Union that cherishes his name with more just pride than the State which I have tha honor in part to represent; and there is nobody that will defend his fame, when unjustly assailed, with more zeal or with more generosity than the citizens of that State. His fair fame they consider a part of their inheritance. But permit me to tell him, with as much kindness as I en tertain towards him and certainly no man feels more that there have been more tears shed, than congratulations expressed, at tho course he felt it his duty to take up on that bill. I rise now, sir, to make a motion which the Chair notified me was in order a short time since. My motion is, to re-consider the vote adopting the resolution ordering extra cop ies of the President's message and accompanying documents to be printed, and I will now state the reasons which impel me to make this motion. I had begun to state the reasons for my proposition wheu it was suggested to me by the Chair, that I was not in order at that stage of the matter. The first reason was, that the message, as I indicated, was irrccularlv sent to the Senate, and sent to the Senate in violation of an understanding which the President understood by the resolution we had sent to him, and by the course we had taken for four weeks. He knew from our action, that we were not in session to re- ccivo messages touching our legislative capacity; and therefore I think that the message was irregularly sent, and, if 1 had been in my seat, I should have voted not to receive it, for that reason. But it has been received, and a motion has been made to print it. That motion has been agreed to, and I now move to re-consider that vote, because I believe the document should not receive that compliment at the hands of the Senate; it is not entitled to it; and I will state some of my reasons for this opinion.I have no right to assign any motive to the President for sending the message here under the circumstances under which he transmitted it. I shall not do so; but sir, there is a privilege which appertains to the Yankee nation universally, and that is guessing. That we have the right to resort to, and I can only guess what the object was. I am not going to undertake to say, that the sending of the message at the. time when it was sent, with the extraordinary doctrines, which it contoins, had any possible relation to the fact that several southern Democratic State conventions were to sit about the 8th of January, and that it became important to let it be known what were the views entertained by the President on certain points before those conventions cat. If he did have any such view as that, I wish to say to the President, hero from my place, that he spoke too late, altogether. He is like a desperate politi- cian, or a speculator of desperate fortunes coming in just as the auction has closed who makes a tremendous high bid, but the article has been struck off to another man before he got it. He is just as effectually "out of the ring" as if he had held his tongue. ' It is nnkind of those gentlemen who are the peculiar friends of the President to let him labor under such a delusion any longer. , There is no more chance of hit being renominated, than there ia of one of our pages receiving that honor. He may be told so, and he may be flattered into Jbelicving it, until about the time when the national convention aiLs. ' But I wish' lb suggest to' bis particular friends, whether it it not nnkind, seeing that the presideneTJBff-iBake"'' nothing by It, to let turn gel down on hit Knees ana numoie himself,' arid nsuTt his native State, by the insinuations with, which his meisage it filled, whet it cad do no possible good to anybody tti earth; ; The1 thin it done; the mailer is Willed; ' He' has been used fuBt as mucu as you want to use him, ana be will be thrown aside. Ia fact, he ia thrown aside already, though he does not know ll. Now.' sir. I wish to- say a f'w words in MOUNT VERNON, OHIO, TUESDAY MORNING, JANUARY 29, regard to the doctrines of the meusngo. In the first place, the President has a "great deal to say about Central America, as if that were the engrossing subject with tho people at this time. I tell the President that there is a central place In the United Stales not Central America, Central but United States, called Kansas, about which the people of this country are thinking vast Iy more at this lima than they are about Central America down in the land of filli busters; and it seems to me that the Presi dent of the United States would have dis charged just as appropriately his proper constitutional functions if he had favored us a little with that, instead of consuming so much space upon Central America, outside of the United Slates. I do not wish to enter the list wilh the distinguished Senators who have spoken on this message-Senator from Delaware, (Mr. Clayton;) the Senator from Michigan, (Mr. Cass;) and my friend from Now York, (Mr. Skw-aiid;) because, if I were to do so, though there would be no foundation for such a charge in fact, public rumor would at once say I was ambitious to put myself forward as the lieutenant of a company of gentlemen who occupy distinguised positions before the country. It is for this reason that I touch on Central America with great cau- tion and great diffidence. Central America, sir, is an agitating subject just at this time, and it is seized upon by those agitators who do not think it prudent to take hold of a subject which will really agitate the people. They care nothing about Central America not a straw; the whole thine is a humbug exploded long ago. I wish however, to state for the benefit of the Senate and the country, for a moment what the whole of this great Monroe doctrine really is. Does the country know that it is entirely of British origin? This doctrine, which the Democratic party of the present day, so called, are going to elevate and put prominently before the country as a great question, was a position taken by Mr. Monroe at the suggestion of the Brit ish Cabinet, and he did not take it until the British Cabinet told him they would stand up to him if he did take it. I make this statement on the authority of the late Mr. Calhoun, formerly a Senator on this floor from the Stale of South Carolina, who made this distinct declaration on the floor of the Senate on the 15th of May, 1848. Uentlemen who are desirous of finding his statement in full may find it in the nineteenth volume of the Congressional Globe, being the Appendix for the first session of the Thirteenth Congress. He mado some remarks on the 15th day of May, 1848, in which he gave the origin of the Monroe doctrine. He said, that after the Allied Powers had overthrown Bonaparte, and reinstated the Bourbons on the throne of France, England was rather an unwilling ally. The Holy Alliance so called, then took it into their heads, having conquered Bonaparte, and established the doctrines of despotism in the Old World, to turn their eyes to this hemisphere, and put down public sentiment in South America. When the Holy Alliance took that view, England hesitated, and intimated to Mr. Rush, who was then Minister of this country at Great Britain, that if the United States would take a position and defy the Allies if they should undertake any such measures, Great Britain would sustnin o:ir government in it. I will read the very words of Mr. Calhoun. He said: "Canning was then Prime Minister. He informed Mr. Rush of the projects and gave to him at the same time the assurance that, if sustained by the United States, Great Britain would resist. Mr. Rush immediately communicated this to our Government. It was received here with joy, for so great was the power of the Alliance, that even we did not feel ourselves safe from its interpolations. Indeed, it was anticipated almost as a certain result, that if the inteference took place with the Governments of South America, the Alliance would ultimately extend its inteference to ourselves. I remember the reception of the dispatch from Mr. Rush as distinctly as if all the circumstances had occurred yesterday." He said, further, that the subject was submitted to every member of Mr. Monroe's Cabinet, and the result was the famous declaration of Mr. Monroe. Afterwards, England withdrew from the Alliance, but the attempt which was feared was never made. I will give you the conclusion of the matter in Mr. Calhoun's words: "That very movement on the part of England, sustained by this declaration, gave a blow .to the celebrated Alliance from which it never recovered. From that lime forward it gradually decayed, till it utterly perished. The late revolutions in Europe have put an end to all its work, and nothing remains of all that ever did."-, . But, sir, in the extent to which it has been undertaken to be pushed, it was never intended by Mr. Monroe,' and never has been sustained by this country, and, I venture to say never will bt . Sir, I am not afraid of war with Great Britain. I have not the slightest fear of any such thing. My fears are the other way. My fears are , that the eannot do anything that will wake ip the national spirit beyond a little talk and recrimination' against' those who are supposed to favor certain views. Why do I think so? Because I know the history of the past, I know when you made it one of the issues in this eonntry that we should insist on the boundary line of 54 dcg., 40 min., or 'fight; I khott that when Mr. James K. Polk took the oath of office, on the Eastern portico of this Capitol, he delivered an inaugural address in which he declared that our title to the whole of Ore gon was "clear and indirputablo" just as clear as our title to the District of Columbia for thnt is only clear and indisputable, (there cannot be anything clearer than that;) and I know, after that, after it hnd been made an issue upon which Mr. Polk came into tho presidential chair, and after the Democracy pledged themselves to sustain our rights in Oregon or fight, and after it was proclaimed, under those circumstances, from the eastern portico of this Capitol, as our indisputable territory, what was our next chapter? Why sir, we gave it all away to Great Britain we gave her more than she asked. We gave her Vancouver's Island, sustaining the same relative positions to the harbors on the Pacific coast and the Columbian river that Cuba does to the harbors on the Gulf coast and to the Mississippi. We gave that awny to Great Britain without asking for a consid eration. The next chapter in the history of the same Administration was, that they offered $200,000,000 for Cuba. That is the difference between territory North and South! Vancouver's Island could be giv en away, but Cuba was to be bought even at the cost of $200,000,0001 bir, 1 have had occasion to allude to these transactions before, and I have stated on other occasions, and I repeat now, that there is one curious one. I do not know but that it is what Mr. Wtller I do not mean the member of the Senate, but Sam Weller, of Pickwickian memory would call an "astonished coincidence." At any rate, the fact is, that every treaty that has been made in regard to territory on our northern border has been to cut off and give away. We cut off Maine, and sold to Great Britain all she wanted, which was a good military road from Nova Scotia to Canada, and then we gave away an empire to her on the Oregon question. On the South, however, we have always taken. We have constantly been cutting off at one end, and buying at the other, and when we could not 'sell Northern territory, we gave it away. Then; sir, I think I can say to the President, that the people would have been quite as much pleased to hear n little more about Kansas, as so much about Central America. The President however, does have a verj little to say about Kansas a very little indeed. He sny3: "In tho Territory of Kansas, there have been ads prejudicial to good order, but as yet none have occurred to justify the interposition of the Federal Executive." I wish that were true; but I take issue with him. I say the interposition of the Federal Executive has been there, and it has been there on the side of those very acts of violence. Sir, the people of Kan sas have had to protect themselves against mob law, instigated by the President and Sustained by his officials there. When he says there has been nothing to "justify" official interposition, I admit it is true there was nothing to justify it; but the interposition was there, whether justified or not. Then he goes on to say that the people of Kansas must be protected. Well, sir, they will be protected; but they have not had protection from the President of the United States. Do you not know, sir, does not the Senate know, and does not the country know, that Governor Recder came home and proclaimed in the cars of the President that Kansas was a conquered country? And what did he do? The Governor told him that Kansas was conquered. What do you suppose General Jackson would have done, if ono of his Governors had come to Washington and said, "General, that Territory which you sent me to govern has been conquered." "Why, in the name of the E'ernal," he would have said, "who has conquered it?" He would have called upon the country for all its military force and all its volunteer force to retake it. But, sir, it was not to General Jackson that the story was told, but to another and different sort of man. What Was the answer? The President turned him out. He said: "Governor, we have no further need of your services; we wish you all prosperity, but you are not the man to carry out squatter sovercinty in Kansas." Then he took Mr. Wilson Shannon; and Mr.Wilssn Shannon went, shouting over the plaint at he went, that he was for slavery in Kansas. He went too fast; and, I think, between the North and the South, Mr. Wilson Shannon will not find a very wide place to stand upon. I do not think he will find a friend here to tay, "God save him!" when bis time comes up. ' So much for Kansas. After this brief allusion to' it in his message the President undertakes to read a long lecture upon Slavery. It it not the first time the President has delivered lectures on tlavery.and I have a word or - two to tay on the view which he takes of it. The President of the United States, in a paper which he tent here a few days ago, takes tho ground that the gentlemen who do not agree wilh him in his peculiar notions are the enemies of tho Constitution. He so puts it, for he says: "If the friends of the Constitution are lo havo another struggle, its enemies could not present a more acceptable issue, "than that of a State, whose constitution clearly embraces "a repuDiican lorm ot govern ment," beinir excluded from the Union be cause its domestio institutions may not in nil respects comport with the ideas of what is wise and expedient entertained in some other State." Thus the President undertakes to desig nate as enemies of the Constitution those who differ from him on this subject. I do not know how others feel, but I say it is an insult to the majority of this nation. The President knows, if he reads anything beyond the most servile sheets that his creatures send to him, that the public sentiment of this country condemns most de cidedly his action in the territory. No man knows it better than he, or at least no man ought lo know it better; and when he goes to characterize as enemies of the Con stitution thoso who differ from him, he knows he so characterizes certainly one half of the popular branch of Congress, and quite a number of the members of the Senate no matter for them, however; as they do not belong to "healthy organizations," let them take care of themselves. I will not speak for them, but I speak for myself, and I say the President can do me no sort of harm by any such denunciation as this. I am perfectly willing to take it; but, sir, standing here as a representative of our native State his and mine together I will not have him burl such an imputation as that unchallenged or unrebuked. He has no right to designate any men who are here under the Same oath to support the Constitution which he has taken, as enemies of the Constitution: and when he does it he comes down from the high place which God, in his wrath for the punish ment of our national sins, and for the humiliation of our national pride, has permitted him to occupy. I say he comes down from that high place into the arena of a vulgar demagouge, and strips himself of everything which should clothe with dig' nity the office of tho President of the United States. I deny the issue; I hurl it back in his face; I tell him, when he undertakes to designate these men as enemies of the Constitution, he abuses and defames men whose shoelatchets he is not worthy to untie.Sir, these are plain words, but the time demands them. When the President of the United States sends such a message as this to me, or to a body of which I am a member, I shall be restrained by no con sideration from speaking what I believe to be the truth. The President says, that if the enemies of the Constitution we all know whom he includes in this phrase are to have another contest with its friends, there cannot be a betterone. Grant it, sir; let us have it. I tclf him that ia the very place where the fight is to be made. This part of his message, stripped of its verbiage, means this: If. bv the illegal violence of the men who have gone over into Kansas, and undertaken to establieh slavery there, they shall come here and ask for admission into the Union wilh a slave constitution, and Kansas shall be rejected, the President tells ua that is the most favorable aspect in which that question can be presented. That will be the issue, and, if it be decided against slavery, we are threatened with civil war. Sir, t am not a man of war; but When I have heard it threatened so often, I have sometimes wished that God in his providence would let it come. If it had no other t fleet, I think it would have one. I think it would learn those men who are constantly talking about the dissolution of the Union a lesson which neither they nor their children, nor their children's children, would ever forget. I am not certain that I should not want the war to come on while we have about just such a President as we have now, and I will toll you why. If the attempt at disunion were made with such a man at General Jackson, or General Taylor, in the presidential chair, and it were repressed promptly, as it would be, people would say, "Oh, it was h? great military power, his reputation his popularity which, did. it." God knows they could not say it of this President. Laughter in the galleries. If the President succeeded, and if the Union were sustained, as it would be, it would be by its own inherent energy, and from no factious power which it would acquire from the overshadowing popularity of the President. Sir, when the President undertakes to stigmatize, at he has done, those who differ from him, he steps beyond what he hat a right to do; he ttept over the mark; he violates the laws which, I think, should govern the intercourse between tht different members of thit Government. When he denounces as enemies to the Constitu tion those who differ from him, I think it proper to meet him in thit way, and to take 1850. the issue with him. Does the President think that upon this issue he can go before the country? Does he think that he stands in a place where it it safe or prudent for him to denounce as inimical to the Constitution, views which are entertained by a vast majority of tho people of this country? If he is safe, it is his obscurity, and nothing else, that shields him it is the utter hopelessness of his position. Sir, I heard a very instructive comment made upon Ins message by a southern gentle man within a brief time. "Oh," said he, "it is one of the best messages that ever was written, and Tierce is the best Presi dent we have ever had since Washington." "Well," said the person to whom ho was speaking, "you will renominate hirri, will you not?" "No," said ho, "that is another thing; his message is a little too strong to' get northern, votes with; wn shall not use him any more." That is exactly the position in which, the Matter stands, I do not wish, sir, to go any further in to this matter. If the views which I have entertained are received by the Senate and country, as I suppose they will be, and no controversy be made, I shall have nothing more to say about it; but if, on the other hand my views shall be controverted, I may take occasion at some future day to go somewhat at length into the various topics which the President has suggested But, sir, when he sent such a message as this, and when the only comments that were made on it were commendatory not commendatory of this part, 1 know, but commendatory of the nonsense with which it is filled about Central America and no man had a word of rebuke (not even my excellent and worthy friend from New York, Mr. Seward) to utter at the atrocious sentiments to which I have alluded. I felt compelled by a sense of duty with great reluctance to lay before tho Senate the views which I hate entertained. Having done so I withdraw the motion. Death of a Revolutionary Veteran. The Danville Tribune announces' the death of Mr. John Snkkd, in Boyle coun ty, Ky., on Friday, the 2 1st inst., aged one hundred years: He was born in Albemarle county, Va., on the 2d day of February, 1755, was for some years the Secretary of Thomas Jef. ferson, theft voluntered in an expedition against the Cherokee Indians, and after that became a soldier in the Revolutionary struggle, in which service he continued un til the close of the war. He was with Washington at Valley Forge, during all the privations of that disastrous period, afterwards fought under the same great chieftain at Monmouth, and was one of thnt gallant army who received the thanks of Congress for their conduct in this engagement. He was then detailed with a number of picked men from various regiments lo the command of Col. Morgan, and finally went to the South with Green, under whom he served until the expiration of the war. At the battle of Guliford he was taken prisoner, and when conducted into the presence of Lord Cornwallis, the following question was put to him by that nobleman "Where is the baggage of the American army?" Out of your reach, sir," was the reply. "Why so?" "Because the American army is between you and it." When peace returned, he emigrated from Virginia to this State, and here lived until almost 101 years old. His one hundredth birthday was celebrated in February last, at the residence of his son, by a centennial dinner, where he met many of his relations and friends. Peaoe to his ashes. Mr. John Qass died in Bourbon county, Ky., on the 23d Deo. He also was a native of Virginia, and was ninety years old the 5th of December. "You say, Mr. Springles, that Mr. Ja-cocks was your tutor. Does the Court understand from that, that you received your education from him?" "No sir. By tutor, I mean that he learnt me to play on the French horn. He taught me to toot hence I call him my tutor."Ah! the Court understood you differently. Crier, call the next witness." Isdias Shriwdkkss. A compsny of Chippewa Indians, from White Oak Point, Minnesota, visited Boston recently. One of them was asked why Indians do not copy the dress of our people. He replied, 'We think we started your fashion; yotfr men now wear blankets at we do, and your women paint their facet and wear leathers."Odi Oh me SnAKOHAis. Cover, of the Grant Co. Herald, hat been writing an "Ode to the Shanghais." The following is the first verse, which it at much at our readen will be able to bear at once: Feathered giraSel Who lent yea winp? Who furnished yon those legul Bow could such everlasting things At those, com out of eggs? Fastxm Yovm Gatm. Atitixen of Norwich, CL, bat been muloted in the Superior Court in $1200 damaget, for injuries inflicted by his street gate, which, being blown by the wind, struck and injured a passerby.' ' ' NO. It HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.'' Thursday, January 17, 1858, Prayer Vf the Rev. Mr. White. The journal! wers t ead and approved. i i Petitions and memorials' were presented1 and referred.' ' . ' J A number of bills of local interest wefe rend the second lirflo. . , Notices of tho introduction of bills were" given. ..- Mr. Urpham gave notice snathe should1 submit a proposition to' amend the 2d and 3d sections of the 12th article of the Con stitution of Ohio. . Tho bill reported by Mr. Slough for the1 abolition of capital puaishment wait taken1 Op. arid Mr. Bunker moved id reject tha bill. Mr. Slough was willing that a test vote might be taken, so as to learn the opinion of members. Mr. Corry was in favor of capital punishment, and he had no objections todeclare it by daylight and by candle light, or at midnight, and he was ready to give his reasons. He wished it to go down to' posterity, what kind of people lived id tha middle of the nineteenth century; ' He held that society had a right to ex' act a life; he not only held to that, but also to the right of a man to take his owd life, when he deemed it necessary. He held to the right of suicide. Who docs not admire the heroism' of tho old Romans who full upon their own swords? What were the miserable lives of such ffisfl as Arrison and Summons, murderers con fined in the Cincinnati jails, worth to so' ciely? Summons, who had mixed poison in the food placed at his own father's tabled and who had been taken from the prison by bis jailors to witness the performances at the theatre. What kind of punishment - was this? Mr. Corry denounced iri strong terms the sickly, whining sentimentality of the day. The people of Ohio no longer hail any individuality left; their reason was no aonger entrusted to them to form their own opinions. He wished to see the present law executed it was the very cornet sfont) of the criminal law. The man who could willfully and deliberately take the life of another, was unfitted to live. He would vote for the motion to reject, beeaute he did not wish to tee the time of the Honsa consumed. ' . Mr. Thomas, of Hamilton, did not agfe with his colleague. He was opposed to) choking people. Mr. Todd was opposed to capitapmi--ishment. Innocent persons had been pun-ished with death, and society had n righl to do what it could not nndo. Dr. Flowers did not wish to see the tima of the House tal-en np at this early period of the session, but he should tote against, the rejection of the bill. The yeas and nnya were demanded, and! resulted in 66 yeas and 44 nays 1IOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES; ' The House was called to order by thtf Speaker. Prayer by Rev. Mr. Randall ot this city. The minutes of yesterday were read amended and approved; A number of petitions and memorials were presented and appropriately referred A bill to repeal the act prohibiting tha' circulation of Bank bills of less denomina-' tion than ten dollrss, was read the second time and referred to the committee on Cur' rency. ' Notices of the introduction of variouV bills was given among them, one for tha ' establishment of a House of refuge. A numbet of bills were read the first lime. Mr. Yaple from the select commitleej reported a resolution which was adopt- ' cd, authorizing the Sergeant-at-nrms Jta ' procure certain books from tha Secretary '' of State't office, for the use of tha mem ' bers. Mr. Thompson of Meigt, offered a reta lution, which, was adopted, that a eofil mittee of five be appointed, to whom all petitions on the subject of intempnranea shall be referred. A Sleeping Audience Boused. A correspondent informs us of an inol--dent which occurred at the Congregation-. ' al Church in Westminister, in this State, , last Sabbath. The Clergyman, an aged , Minister, was preaching from the text, 1 "I speak as unto wise mei: Judge ye what I say." He advanced as far as "thirdly"-I when he observed that many of kit hear era, overcome by the heat of the day, bad fallen asleep. Stopping In bit discourse, ,-and wiping the perspiration from hit fur . rowed brow, ha exclaimed: , "My friends, at the day is sultry ani ' oppressive, I will stop a while, and request'1 tha choir in the meantime to sing the tuna t of "coronation," commencing my drowsy-powers, why sleep ye sol " . t Tha affect wal electrical, bringing tha audience o their" Test. 'They remained, standing while , tha sublime enornt, front the combined Vofott of the choir and eon 1 gregation, soon filled the bouie, and eCec1 tually destroyed the despotism of sleep. The preacher resumed his discourse at "thirdly." LynnMwt. i t: t - ... . .. '.. '