Mt. Vernon Republican (Mount Vernon, Ohio : 1854), 1862-12-18

              A A A A -csy AA' 1 1 VOL. I.X MOUNT YERXON, OHIO THURSDAY, DECEMBER 18 1862. NO 7 At if smhmic wttow THE MOINT VKKXON REITBUCAX. T K RMS: Vor ono year (invariably iu advaneu)82.00 For nix taonthrt, 1.00 TKHMS OF ADVERTISING. Ouo square, 3 weeks), Qua square. 3 month), One square, 6 months, One square, 1 year, One si) nave (cluiiieablo monthly) Changeable weekly, Two squares, 8 weeks, Two squares, 6 weeks, Two squares, 3 months, Two squares, 0 months, Two squares, 1 joar, Threo squares, 3 weeks, Three squares, 0 weeks, i'hrce squares, 3 months, Three squares, G months, 'Phrnrt flmiarrtM. 1 VCfir. 1,00 3.00 4.50 0.U0 10,00 15,00 1.75 3,25 5.25 0.75 8,00 2,50 4.50 0.00 8,00 10,00 One-1'ourth column, chan. quarterly, lfi.UO One-thirJ " " 22.00 Oue-half " " " 28,00 Ono column, changeable quarterly, 50,00 All local notices of advertisements, or calling attention to any enterprise intended to benefit individuals or corporations, will to charged at the rate of ten cents per line. Sdeet poetq). DAY BY DAY. Every day has its dawn, Its soft and silent eve, Its noontide hours of bliss or bale Why should we grieve? Why do we heap huge mounds of years Before us and behind, And scorn the little days that pass Like angels on the wind? Each turning rouud a small, sweet, face As beautiful as near, Becauso it is so small a face We will not see it clear. We will not clasp it as it flies, And kiss its lips and brow; We will not bathe our wearied souls Iu its delicious Now. And bo it turns from us, and goes Away in mad disdain: Though we would give our lives for it, It never comes again. Yet, every day has its dawn, Its noontide and it': eve: Live while we live, giving God thanks He will not let us grieve. TIIE COST OF PEACE. Letter from Robert Dale Owen to Secretary cuasc. THE CONDITION'S OF LASTINO PEACE. To the Hon. Salmon P. Chase, Secretary of the Treasury : Sm: In briefest terms I statu the propositions which, as the subject of our recent conversation, I promised to reduce to writing. What arc tho reasonable hopes of peace? Not that within the next fifty days, the South, availing herself of the term of grace offered in the President's proclamation, may, to save her favorite institution, return to her allegiance. Let U3 not ourselves. There are no conditions, no guar-' antces no, not if we proffer her a blank sheet on which to set them dowti, with unrestricted pen, in her own hand under which she will consent to reunion, except in one contingency conquest more or less complete, by force of arm. Arc we likely to obtain peace by conquest?In search of an answer, let us look closely at a few statistical facts. By the census of 1800 tho number of white males between the ages of 1$ and 45 is, in tho loyal States, about four millions; and in tho disloyol States, about one million three hundred thousand; a little upward f three to one. Tho disproportion seems overwhelmingly great. But this calculation, as a basis of (military strength, i3 wholly fallacious, for it includes parsons of one color only. Out of tho above four millions the North has to provido soldiers and (with insonsid-erable exceptions, not usually extending to field-labor) laborers are. But of tho threo millions and a half of slavo3 owned in the rebel States, about two millions may be estimated as laborers. Allow threo hundred thousand of these as employed in domestic services and other occupations followed by women among us, and wo have seventeen hundred thousaud plantation hands, malo and femalo, each one of which counts against a Northern liborcr on farm or in work shop. Then of that portion of population whence soldiers and out-door laborer and mshanics must chiefly bo taken.the North-em States have four millions and the Southern States three millions. Supposing the negroes all loyal to their raasters.it follows that the true proportions of strength available in this war that is, of all soldiers to light and laborers to support the nation while fighting may fairly enough be taken at threo in the South to f"nr in 'ho Nvtb. Under the supposition of a South united without regard to color, in un effort fur recognition, shall we obtain peaces by subduing her? If history teach truth, we shall not. Never, since the world began, did nine millions of people I band together, resolutely inspired by the one idea of achieving their independence, yet fail to obtain it. It is not a century since one-third of the number successfully defied (jreat Britain. But let us suppose tho nogroes of the South loyal to the Union instead of their nustors, how stands the matter then? In that case, it is not to n united people, but to a Confederacy divided against itself that we are opposed, tho masters on one side; the laborers, exceeding them in number on the other. Suppose the services of thesa laborers transferred to us, what will then be the proportion on either side of forces available, directly and indirectly, for military purposes ? As about tiva and three-fourths to one and a third, in other words, nearly ai nine to two. Such a wholesale transfer is, of course, impossible in practice. But in so far as the transfer is possible, and shall occur, we approach the above results. How much wisdom, under these oircum-stances, is there in the advice that we should put down the rebellion first and settle tho negro question afterwards? What shall we say of their statesmanship who, in a war like this, would leave out of view the practical effects of emancipation? Ou the other hand, however, it is to be admitted that African loyalty in this war will little avail us, if we have not good sense and good feeling enough properly to govern tho negroes who may enter our lines. To render their aid available, in the first place we must treat them humanely; a duty we have yet to learn; and secondly ,both for their sakes and for our own, we must not support them in idleness. Doubtless, they are most efficient as laborers, as domestics in camp, as teamsters or employed on intrenchments and fortifications, or in ambulance corps, or as sappers and miners or, as fast as Southern plantations should fall into our possession, as field-bauds. But if all these points become over filled, better do away with the necessity for further draft in the North by putting muskets in the hands of able-bodied men, colored differently from ourselves, than to delude their ignorance into the opinion that among the privileges of freedom is food j without work. j Have we philanthropy and discretion ! enough wisely to adininis'er a change of system? Possibly not. Administrative capacity in public affairs is not our strong point. We would do well to bear in mind however, that without such capacity not this war only, but our entire governmental experiment, will prove a failure at last. Do other objections hold against the plan? Docs humanity forbid us to accept the aid of an enslaved race? In so far as humanity can ever enjoin war at all, she enjoins the employment, by us, of the African in this; first, because his employment may shorten by years, the fratricidal struggle, and then, because, if he is not permitted to assist in civilized warfare under us, and if, without his aid, we fail to affect his liberation and thus disappoint his hopes he may be overtaken by the temptation to seek freedom and revenge in his own wild way. In accepting the liberated slave as a soldier we may prevent his rising as an assassin. By tho creation of nejro brigades wo may avert tho indiscriminate massacres of servile insurrection. Or is there an insuperable difficulty of caste in tho way? In a contest likely to eventuate in securing to another race than ours the greatest of temporal blessing, are we determined to shut out that raco from all share in its own liberation? Are we so enamored of tho moloch, war, that we will suffer none but our sons to pass through tho fire? Terrible penalty to pay. with life and death at stake, for a national prejudice against the Southern Pariah! As to tho duty of our rulers in the pro-miges, I cannot sec according to what principle of either a Government,charged with tho lives of millions, the putting down of a gigantic rebellion and tho restoration of tranquility to tho land, has the right, in the hours of its utmost need, to scorn a vast element of strength placed within its reach and at its disposal; nor why, if it refuses to avail itself of such an element, it should not be held responsible for the lives it sacrifices and the hopes it blights. But we need emancipation far less for the material aid it affords great, even indispensable, though it bo than becauso of other paramount considerations. We have tried the experiment of a Federal Union, with a frco-labor system in one portion of it and a slave system in another, for eighty years; and no ono familiar with our affairs for a duarter of a century pirt if ignnnnt tb.it tho r?nlt bis bfcn all increase embittered year by year in I ever-accelerated ratio of dissensions, of I sectional jealousies, of national heart-1 burning,. When, eighteen months since, I these culminated iu war. it was about the I issue which our ablest statesman, looking' sorrowing into tho futnre. bad longsiuce, i foretold. But if, while vet at peace and ! with all the influence of revolutionary re 4 miniscenccs pleadingiu cause of the Union. this diversity of labor systems, producing variance of character and alienation of j '-au tu's frreat peace measure be cousti-fceling, proved stronger to divide than all j tutl'0,1!iHy enacted? past memories and present interests to' proohiniation or (the more appropri-unito, what chanco is there that its careful j atu 'on") "" act of general emancipation, power for evil should cease, now, when to""ou'(' lU preamble, set forth, in sub- thoughts of fancied injuries in other years are added the recollections of tho terrible realities enacted ou a hundred bloodybattle-fields, from which the smoke has scarcely passtd away? None the romotest! A suspension of hostilities we can purchase, a few years' respite, probably, in which to return to our money Lrotti.iL' be- :.i. I vu owi iu wuinw ill UUCW Willi LT'UU i o ered force; but if we look beyond selfishness and the present; if our children are in our thoughts; if we are suffering and expending now, that they, in a laud of prosperity, may live and dio in peace, then must we act so that the result Hhall endure. We must not be content to put off the evil day. The root of the evil the pregnant cause of the war that must be eradicated. Beport has it that a Western politician recently proposed, as the best solution of our difficulties, tho recognition of Slavery in all tho States. Such an order has a basis of truth; namely, that a state of war is among us, the necessary result of conflicting labor systems. Such an idea might even be carried out and lead to peace but for that progressive spirit of Christian civilization whioh we dare not openly outrage how imperfectly so ever we obey its humane behests. There are a thousandreasons-goograph-ical, commercial, political, international why we should not consent to a separation into two confederacies; it is a con) in-gency not to be thought of or entertained, but if we look merely to the coiulitions of lastiiHj peaae, the chance of maintaining it would be far better if the independence of the South were to be recognized with her negroes emancipated, than if she were to return to her allegiance, retaining her slave system. For in the former case, the cause of dis- j seusion being uprooted, the tendencv wnnlil be to reunite, and a few years might see us a single nation again, while, in the latter, a constantly active source of irritation still existing, three years of breathing time would not elapse without bringing endless quarrels and a second rcbsllion. Conceive reunion with Slavery still in existence. Imagine Southern spmpatlii-scrs in power among us, offering compromises. Suppose tho South exhausted with military reverses and desiring a few years' .armistice to recruit, decides toJ accent it under thegiiise of peace and reconstruction? What next!' Thousands of slaves, their ex-1 cited hopes of emancipation crushed, flee-' ing across tho border A fugitive slave law, revived by peace, demanding their rendition. Popular opinion in the North opposed to the law, and refusing the demand. Renewed war the certain consequence.Or take, even, the alternative cf recognition recognition of an independent Con-federcy, still slaveholding. Are we, then becoming tho sole exception among the nations of tho earth to make ourselves aiders and abetters of the slaves system of a foreign nation, by agreeing to return to her negro refugees seeking liberty and an asylum among us? National sclfrespeet imperatively forbids this. Public sentiment would compel the rejection, as a base humilation of any proposed treaty stipulation pooviding for rendition of runaway slaves. Yet the South would regard such rejection in no other light than as astaud- ing menace a threat to deprive her of what she regards as her most valuable property. Coterminous as forhundreds possibly thousands of miles of our boundaries would be, must not the South, iu com. mon prndenco, maintain all along that endless border-line an armed slave policy. Are wo to concent to this? And if wo do, shall we escape border raides after fleeting fugitives? No sane man will expect it. Are we to suffer these? We are disgraced. Are we to resent them? It is a renewal of hostilities.State eleotions may go as they will. Their results can never change the fact that any party obtaining the contrnl of the Goveanmont and adopted the policy that the settlement of the emancipation shall be closed, will never, while it pursues thAt policy, 8e this war permanently closed not even by accepting a shameful disruption of our country. But if emancipation is to avail us as a peace measure, we must adopt it boldly, refolu'xly, effectually. It mu:t ho pnr- al, not partial; extending not to the slaves j of rebels only, but to every slave ou this oontine.it. Even if ir. were pnioticablo which it is not. with slavery non-exkeui in the Northern States and to abolish it in those Vil.ieh persist in n-hellion to 1 '"aintain it iu the narrow bonier stri,', It j " precisely there, where negro fugitives i . ... " can the most readily escape, that its main- tetiance would the .rmf P,.rt.,;.,i,. i...i war atancc, that the claims to service or labor of which it deprives certain persons having been proved, by recent events, to be of a character endangering the supremacy of the law, jeopardizing the integrity of the Union, and incompatible with tho permanent peace of the country, are taken bv the Government, with just compensation made. Under circumstances far less ui-- cent than these, the Inw nr pliofilm fV nii - ' -"'" ! .. . . uizeu nations, based ou considerations of public utility, authorizes such taking of private property for public use. We our- solves are familiar with its operations - Vi,,, , A . . ' V hen a conflagration in a city threatens n ., i . i .!,. of.iai. in. iiuu.ii.-s m me line or its pro-1 gieaa miry legany oe seized and destroyed I by the authorities in order to arrest it, and the owners aro not held to have been wronged if they are paid for cuch losses under an equitable appraisement. But it is not the existence of part of a city that is now endangered. It is the integrsty of nno among the first powers of tho world that is menaced with destruction. The truth of the preamble suggested has become, in my judgment, incontrovertible. It will receive the assent of an overwhelming majority of the people of the loyal States. Tho public sentiment of Europe will admit its truth. Let us confess that such a preamble, as preface to act or proclamation, could not have commauded the assent of more than ' a uma.i j.acuon ot our people, only two ii . f i m.ou years ago io years, as wo reckon time; a generation, if we calculate by the stirring events and far-reaching uphcav- ..i . .1. ... i i ii-... ui.t una nave neen crowded into the eventful months. In suehdavs as these abuses ripen rapidly. Their consequences mature. Their ultimate tendencies become apparent. We are reminded of their transitory character. We are reminded .1. .. . .. 1. 1. .. 1- . .1 . . . i u.ai .uuiougu lor me unio. and in a cer- tain stay of human progress, some abuses .. y ...... ..... ..p,,,. .,,.,., this, under d s economy may have been suilcivd to continue; yet all abuses have but a bunted 1,1c. 1 he right only is etc.- rri in i i ino renciiiou, teacher and creator iw well as scourge and destroyer, by sternly laying bare the imminent dangers of Slavery, has created tho constitutionality of ! (!l"!1t'lP;l"""- It has done more. It dll- ! mi"le -MiiancipalK.il a boumlen politic j '-v' iLS Wu" as slrit',i" constitutional right, Uln we 1,1 uut;I;m''g emancipation le - li-.-i ... , - i ' s av . l. Pa.VIIienlr S;.V of two bun- mimonK, in the shape ot compensation to loyal slaveholders.' Not if a slaveholder's richt to Service and labor from his slaves, when not forfeited by treason, is legal. On hunianta-rian grounds the t'gality of that right has been denied But a construction ol the constitution adverse to such denial, and acquiesced in by the nation throughout more than two generations, is held by most men to be reason sufficient why the right in question should he regarded as jTivale property, it it bo private property, 11. n, except by violating the fifth article of the amendments to the Constitution, it cannot! be taken for public use without just com-compensalion. To violate any articles of the Constitution is a revolutionary act; but such acts costs a nation more than a few hundred millions of dollars. The risk that a future decision of the Supreme Court might i eclare emancipation without compensation to bo unconstitutional is, of itself, sufficient justification of the President's policy, corresponding to the above suggestion in this matter. Such compensatiod will he unpopular with many. Wise and just acta aro when they involve sacrifices, frequently are A wrong long toleratad commonly entails a penalty, which is seldom cheerfully paid. Yet oven on other grounds, we ought not, in this case tobegrudgo the money. Who deserve better of their country than those brave men who, in tho border and other slave States have clung to their loyalty through all tho dark hours of peril eveo to life? Precautions naturally (Qggast themselves against falsa pretenses of loyalty. It seems expedient that he who shall have proved that ho is the legal owner of certain slaves, and also that ho has ever been loyal to the Union, should receive a ccrtifi- i lte 01 indebtedness ny tue Uovernmeut,; not tnusreraMe, to be paid it sorai fuel lilll(J subsequent to the humiliation of the ' wari payment being made contingent u " ''"' ,'",t ' eUmmi shall not, mean- '". " lapsed from his loyalty. ' EvT 3U(-'h claimant, once recognized. hi'lf to be by his own a-t, ; the citizeu of a free State; one of us;de-; ,ac"uJ ,uruTOr IJOm tue ull-'rt 'l':lS,!' i4.,.. . . ti.ii i iii -v iruvernmeui siockuo iuer. i o wouiu oo pecuniarily interested m the support ... ... i of the Government and the restoration of , jjeuce. Even if the Legislatures of the Border States should not initiate such a policy, th loyal men of these Slates will accept it. Such a measure does not involve ex- pensc iu conveying the liberated negro to other countries. It has hitherto, indeed, been the usual policy in slave States to dis- ! courage, as dangerous, tho residence there of free blacks; and hence an idea that col- on'mation should be tho concomitant of j emancipation. Of general emancipation, there is no need whatever that it should be. Those who take un suh an idea for- 1 1 i 1 -1 1 1 I 1 (nU flint Hirt id'i iiiiclr with trlnpfi ul-ivn- , , , , ' ' hoUera "S""1 the lm of ,:ee ""S"" i T ? M that tbc3 in' I'" T 1 " 7 f'", '1UVC'3 around them, thus rendering them msubor- . , . . . dmato. But when all are lrce there will no slaves to incite, nor any chains to be broken by resort to insurrection. It t no business of ours cither to decide, fur the liberated negro, where he shall dwell, or to furnish bis traveling expenses. Freemen, black or white, should select their own dwelling place and pay their own way. As to fears of competition in labor sought to be excited in tho mindsof the Northern working mau, they have foundation only in case emancipation be refused; for such refusal would flood the North with fugitives. If, on the contrary, emancipation be carried out, the strong local attachments of the negro will induce him, with rarcstex-ceptions, to remain as a hired laborer where ho worked as aslave. Thus humane masters will not lack sufficient workint; hands, of which colonizulion would deprive thcm. And if, notwithstanding the prob uUe ris0 0f Southern staples, of the plant ,r wiH bo grcaleP. IIe will 110 lougcr lie down at night uncertain whether the i morning's news may not be that his slaves have risen against him. This is the paper view of the question. But all edicts, at proclamations, how wise ne righteous soever, are but idle anniun j MmonU if we ack courage and conduct t0 enforce thorn. Cwlra?,c we llave. flaw levies have be ih.lveJ i,kc veterans. The skeletons of rcg - j imt,,trt ,W t0 one.tcnth t,cir ur;.,inaI j nmlll)l,r, atte,t tho desperate valor with wllicll they conlVonted death. Not with I the rank and lilo is tho blamo! The lead- i ;..! There has bn,..i thn sn.,,rnt ,,r A.;i,.v mg With all tho advantages of a just cause over our enemies, we have suffered them to outdo us in earnestness. We lack the enthusiasm which made irresistible the ili;iiMii i 1' 1 Vfiiinvt'll's rrnnsidi'M. Wo n,.il the invincible impulse of a sentiment. Wc , wal)t above all, leaders who know and feci I j wluit ihcy are fighting fur. This is a war i in whieh mercenaries avail not. There nulst , i,jgiler 1110tive th;ui ,) w ol'a l Siiuiuw'i ln.linr ilnlt nvirmiY nn iVi ni professional pride or the blind ol.edi- euce ol'a soldier. By parliamentary usage a proposed measuro is entrusted, lbr fos- teriii" care to its friends. So should the war do. Its conduct should be confided to men whose hearts and souls arc in it. Again. It ha.s long been one of our national sins, that wo piss by, with scarce- : y r,btt'itf, the gravest public offense v. UIUly fail in holding to a strict ac !UUutability oi.r public men. The result fsueh lail..r. in ueae. bad a!,.l. p-. eaped our notice. In war, wo have now beheld its effects, flagrant and terrible. It was not expected that among o many thousands of otliicers, suddenly appointed, there should not be soinu hundreds of incompetents. Such thgings must be. No ono is to blamo if, iu field or garden, weeds spring up. I he blame rests with him wlu leaves them there to choko the crop aud cumber the ground. Accountability that bhould be the watchwoid accocntobility, ftcrn, unrelenting! Office has its emoluments; let it have its responsibilities also. Let iib demand, as Napoleon demanded, success from our leaders. The rule may work harshly. War needs harsh rules. Actions aro not to be measured in war by the standard of peace. The sentinel worn by extreme fatigue, who sleeps at his post, incurs the penalty of death. There is incurs the penalty of death. There is mercy iu courts martial drumhoad courts uurtiaL A docsa officers shot, whenever the gravity of ths oflause demands it, may be tho saving of life to tens of thousands of brave men. Eighteen mooth.i have passed. Eight hundred millions have been spent. Wc have a million ot armed won tn the. field, More than a huivlr! ilmu J rent i0 $,. ."1'iid for nil this, what re- ult? Is it strange if sometimes the heart, mu aim roso.uuons i at me iu..-i "', ttm administrative infirmity. ; the vast sacrifice may have been all ... vain? But In the Past go. Iu fatal results r - - raim'" -- 4. .... urt 1, mi., a.1 r.iMt i enn nevtir u n i recanea. Doubtless thev Lad their use. It needed the grievous incapacity we have , witnessed, the stinging reverses we have ' suffered, the invasion even of free States I I that we have lived to see commenced; it I needed the hecatombs of dead piled upun- nvailingly on battlefield after battlefield j the desolate hearths, the broken-hearted j survivors it weeded all this to pave tho j ay lor that emancipation which is tho on-: l.v harbinger of peace. Ihe future, that is still ours to impruve. Nor, if some clouds yet rest upon it, is it without bright promise. Signs of present activity, energy, and a resolution to hold i accountable for the future the leaders ot our armies, are daily apparent. Better than all, the mitiatne in a true lino ot poi icy has been taken. The twenty-third of: September has had its effect. The path j of safety is before us; steep and rugged, in- deed, but no longer doubtful or obscure. A lamp has been lit to guide our steps; a lamp that may burn more brightly before a new year dawns upon us. The noble prayer of Ajax has been vouchsafed in our case. At last we have light to fight by. We shall reach a quiet haven if wo but I follow faithfully and perseveringly that guid'nj; light. Tliure is at this moment, in tho hearts of all good men throughout the length and breadeh of the land, no deeper feeling, no more earnest longing, than for peace; peace, not for the day, not to last for a few years, but peacc,ou a foundation of rock, for ourselves and our children after us. May the hearts of our rulers bo opened to the conviction that they can purchase only a shambling counterfeit except at one cost! God gave them to see, ere it bo too late, that the price of euduring peace is general emancipation! I am, sir, your obedient servant. Hohert Dale Owen. New York, November 10, lSti2. Ffcm ths Hliiu Cultivator. The Lady's Wardrobe. Every house should be well fitted up with closets, cupboards, drawers and boxes, which it should be the aim of every good house wife to keep in order. It is a hard matter, I acknowledge, to keep such hid- 1 den places neat and clean. It is much I oagicr tQ thom a catch I every unnceded or unused article, thus j keeping them at all times -up in arms.,' It is easier; to bo sure, w hen ono is tired and in a rushing hurry, as we women often are, to slip oil' dress, skirts and all, and throw than in a confused pile upon the closet floor, sending shoes and stockings alter thcm, and shut the door, than to hang tho dress upon ono hook, the ckiris upon another, the sacks, aprons, Xc, upon l,.i u.it tli.t l,r.A n .r.r.iA, u.'iil, j the stockings tucked into them. Yos, I acknowledge it is easier fjr the time, but habit, oh ! the habit. Think of it, young maidens, wives and mothers; think of it a moment, and I dure say you ill te ih'i fully of such a ouurio. Again, it is a miv.'h more cxreliti-jcs lu unMieies 1 1 . 1 - . 11 I ....! . . bracelets, velvets, ic, Ac, into drawers, ,;toP.-y turvy," than to stop and j ut every ihiug in its propir placo, tut let your husband, brother, or your lover, drive up to tho door soma fiuo m:raiug. ver.v 1 unexpectedly, and akyou to ride! Where I l, mm you; ;:. .1-... .i- .i 1 You slop hpskly about and dress yur-sdf as quickly as possible, and go to said drawer for the thing) stowed so carelessly away, and shake them over, wonn, luring why you can ncer find any thing when you want it. At en ;ht, flushed and excite 1. with, perhaps, tho wrong gloves or collar, dirty underslccves instead of clean ones, you declare yourself rea lv, having completely exhausted the patience of tho kind gent'eman waiting'for you, and made yoursoTunhajpy for the whole ridf. Wheie I pray yon, is the gain? Never "strinj" (I know of no bettor word,) dresses cloaks, skirts, or any article of wearing apparel over the bed-posts, chairs, io., of your sleeping rooms. Supposing you are a "going to put thom on again in the morning," hang them tip, 'lis but little work to take them down when yon want them, and some one may chance to enter your room during the afternoon, aud find it in dire dijurdr. Too may be taken ill during the hours of nignt, the house may take 2xe, or tome unloeke-l-forevcntexposeyoarrooma when yoa lonst expoct it. Death, with releot less hand may entr your tjuist bom icd call you from its jpy whe in health and j prosperity; strsr.gr hands tiny p'rfnro ' "r 'hn last sad rite? f f hu in;'.,.. i d era' graves. stranger eyes proy into every nook and comer Of your house, thus suddenly ex- - IWe. the... vmiitm, wives and moth- ers. how you form' fab.M ol carelessness disorder: for as they ore formed in youth, sy will they n-main it, old a.- Punishing Children. o.jJ woman, you have done very wrong in punishing your child iu the war you have done. Not that h did not deserve all the punishment you: avo him. and per- hap even more, but from the manner in which you oVult with him, yu left on his mind the impression that you punish him not for his good (that i. to make him M-Ur.) but for your own gratification, (that i:, to gratify your revenge;) you made him angry with you. not sorry for his faultd; you hare thes irritated him without reforming him, consequently have done him more hurt than good. In the future management of your child, follow these directions:1st. Tuke the earliest and evprvorTwr- tuuity to instruct him in what is right and what is wrong what he may do and what he may not do, and this all embraced un- der tho head of obedience or disobedi-.nc. 2d. Never punish your child for doing what he did not know to be wrong. Instruct him Crsf. Hd. Never punish him in such a way us to leavo on his mind the impie.-siou thfit you acted from revenge, let him sec that 'ou u " lMm a ot duty, and only for his 0"d. 4th. When yon punish him, bring him to entire submission, and when this is done, chow him that it was not choice, but necessity, duty that influenced you, and treat him with kiudness and confidence, that he mav see and feel that vou love him still. Newspaper Power. One can hardly comprehend the immense power of newspaper over tho public mind the g-eat mass of tho people get their polities and religion, their peculiar passions and prejudices, from newspapers It is becoming more and more a fact that they mould the mind und give it character us much as tho food which one eats gives character to the body. And what the mind and heart fee l upon gives thcm character for good or evil. Books have power, and yet few peopte read them largely. Thoy are expensive, and the people purchase but few of them. They arcs long-winded, and iu our fast age few have the time aud patience to read them, uuloss every sentence holds a galvanic battery, and gives a signal shock. High-wrought talcs do this, hence the extensive market for the works of fiction: but the great ma.s of books are kept for show and not for reading. But everybody reads newspapers. They are cheap; they are peddled out by the penny's worth; they meet you in the street at every turn, in the rail-car, in every store in every house. Each gives yon tho la- test news cf the world. A mat: who does ' nut v.xi.l i n nu-.i , . i ... f 4'., r, ......l I., f,. I. ! behind the age that ho is nowhere in bi j knowlei'g; of passing cvunts. Cheap anf I new just s-iits "ur modern Athenians, win spnd their time mo-dlv in hearing or ti-ll jug 'v,n.' new thin;;. A (ij Widow. A vo.n"! widoT. lioif cv:'.Sntlv on thn ! wora! ruT!ir.;t-e ancvers a matrimonial j ,,;.. jmblith'ed in the Yrela CCaliforni") j j0IIrnai as follow--Ilaviuj: no dcubt f.f h;fl onlt. t0 (Ilft . ,; t tak tl;8ma!nH 1 . . ; of iuforaiin; h.n that I sm on the air.-?. aud iho heartily approve of hia coi(re in presenting his lonely situation to our sex. I very much udmir? his description, lie is just such a man a.- I have long wished tor. His note is especially addres-i'd t. young la.li, but of cours he would not rc('ue a young widow. The young men say I am pr-nty, and what they 6ay must be so. Have no juvcnila incumbrances. Am -.1 tho tall order, black hair, black eyes, and father fair complexion. My former husband ekedaddlod on account of a str.,ng attachment for whiskey." Farsons, a lawyer in Chicago, Was trying a case bnfore a jury, being counsel for the prisoner. The Judge was very hard on bim, aud the jury brought in a verdict of guilty. Parsons moved for a new trial. I ho Jun'go denied his motion, andremark-ed- "Tho Cour and ths jury think the prisoner aknuvo nd a fool." Jostsntjy the counsel replied, '"The pfisoonf m u say he it fter-- pwfiectly isfiki ha hu bet trji by Court ajji Jury cf hue fee 1 A dentist advertise he iwrrta fetfc c,hener tba ca hf doni fjuwherf We rjtber thiplr bo wonM not do vt witb as tpuch pksstr r s cheap a a r.nl1-bg -si ec