Mt. Vernon Democratic banner (Mount Vernon, Ohio : 1853), 1860-12-25

              VOLUME XXIV. MOUNT VERNON, OHIO : TUESDAY, DECEMBER 25, 1860. NUMBER 30. i rusnsaan itiit tuzsdat atoaxu, II a. II Alt PER. uncein wooiTxrd'i uioclc, TMrd Story TERMS T dollars per annum, payable ia ad-Waaee; $2,50 witbin six months; $3,00 after the ex-ration of the year. Claba of twenty, $1,60 each. ortHi ' ' Hon. Alex. H. Stephens, - At MllleyeTille, To v. 14, i860. A PLKA. FOft T2 tj5IO, WITH ISTIREUPTIOS3 BY " BOBCAT TOOMBS. " Mr. Stephens entered the Hall at the hoar of 7, P. Mn and was greeted with long and rapturous applause. He rose and said : Fellow-Citizens : I appear before you to night at the request of members of the legislature and others, to speak of matters of the deepest interest that can )08sibly concern ua all of an earthlj character. There is nothing, no question or subject connected with this life that con cern a free people so intimately as that of the government under which the lire. We are now, indeed surrounded bj evils. Never since I en so environed with diffcultie and dangers that threatened the public peace and the very exist uwaw wjrvH waaw uuuiiv vvaiKaf aaeasa au o awuuas j avcu ence of society as bow. My object is not to stir, up strife, but to allay it; not to appeal to your passions, but to your reason, liood government can never be built up or sustained by the impulse of passion. I wish to address mvself to voor stood aenee. to v - j o ' your good judgment, and if after bearing, you disagree, let us agree to disagree, and part as we ... r.:j. W7 .11 i il. . . k. .l. same interest. That people should disagree in Republican governments upon questions of public policy, is natural. That men should disagree upon all matters connected with human investigation, whether relating to science or human conduct, is natural. Hence, in free governments parties will arise. But a free people should ezi press their different opinions with liberality and charity, with no acrimony towards those of their fellows when honestly and sincerely given. These are asy feelings to-night. Let us, therefore, reason together. Fellow-citixens, we are all launched in the same barque, we are all in the same craft in the wide political ocean the same destiny awaits us all for weal or for woe. We bave been launched in the good old ship that has been upon the waves for three quarters of a century, which has been IB many tempests and storms,- has many times been in peril, and patriots have often feared that they should have to give it up, yea, had at times aimost given it op, Dut etui toe gallant snip is afloat; though- new storms now howl around us, and the tempests beat heavily against- us, I say to yon don t give up the ship; don t abandon her jet- If she can possibly be preserved, and onr rights and security be maintained, the ot iect is worth the effort. Let us not on account of disappointment and chagrin at the reverse of an j election, given up all as lost, but let us see what -can be dnev to prevent a wreck.- (Some one said the ship has holes in her.) And there may be lekes in her, but let us atop them if we car-many a stout old ship has been saved with the richest cargo, after many leakes, and it may be so now. Cheers. . the-consternation-that has come upon the people is the result of a sectional election of a President of the United State, one whose opinions and avowed principles are in antagonist to our interests and rights, and we believe if carried out wou'd subvert the Constitution nndfr which we now live. Bat are we entirely blameless in this matter, mv countrymen? I give it to you m m n ri n inn t ti m t Kn V I, a rint tw I K. Qrtn t K . rn people pursued, this fearful. rsnlt would not bave occured. r Mr. Lincoln has been elected, I doubt not, by a minority of the people of tha United States. What wjII be the extent, of rhat minority, we do not yet know, but the disclosure, a . it i w .v - . f wnen raaae, win snow, i tninK,tnai a majority ot tbe constitution!, conservative votemwere against him, and had the South stood firmly in the Convention at Charleston, on her old platform of principles of Non-Intervention, there is, in my mind, but little doubt that whoever might have been the candidate of the National Democratic party, would have been elected by as large a majority as thtt which elected Mr. Buchanan or Mr. Pierce. Therefore, let us not le hasty or rash, especially if the rssult be attributable at all to ourselves. Before looking to extreme measures, let us first see, as Georgians, that erjthing which can be done to preserve our rights, our interests, and our honor, as well as tbe .u- . : . l - tt..: u c . J Applause. . The first question that presents itself, iarhall the people ot tbe South secede from the TJuion a AAnaAAnaaAA w tka a La C m T 1 o nrtl r a n vaa It V ucu w we I U U r e"31-1 IJ VI 4J1 1 Ui uvui IV the Presidency of the United States? My countrymen, I tell you frankly, candidly, and earnest-ly, that I do not think they ought. In my judgment, the election of no man, constitutionally chosen to that high office, is sufficient cause for any State to separate from the Union. It ought to stand by and aid still in maintaining the Con stitution of the country. To make a point of resistance to the Government, to withdraw from it because a man has been constitutionally elected, puts us in the wrong. ' We are pledged to maintain the Constitution.' Many of us are sworn to support it. Can we, therefore, for tbe mere election of a man to the Presidency, and that, too, in accordance with the prescribed forms of the Constitution, make a point of resistance to the Government without becoming the breakers of that sacred instrument ourselves? Withdraw ourselves from it! Would we not be in the wrong? Whatever fate is to befall this country, let it sever be laid to the charge of the people of the South, asd especially to the people of Georgia that we were untrue to our national engagements. - Ijet tne tault and the wrooff reat noon otkeva. If all onr hopes are to be blasted, if tbe Republic is to go down, let os be found to the last moment etaoding on the deck with the Constitution of the United Stales waving over our beads. (Applause.) Let the fanatics of. the North break the Constitution if eoch is their felturpoae. ( Let the resposibility be upon them. I shall -peak presently more of- their act tat lei aot tha ' Booth, let us not be the ones to commit the aggression. We went into the election with this people. The result was different from what we " . ..a a . a a ..... . . wisneu: oai me eicwun nas oeeo conautuuonaiiy Oeio. n ere wo to maao m pinn ut vv.i.vaac 10 the Government and ee out of the Union on . 1 rfT . - t ; . r : k - . that account, the record woald be made op here. afiere avainat us. But it is said Mr. Lincoln' eolicT and princi' rles are against the Constitation, and that if be . carries thea oat it will be destructive of onr rights. Let us not anticipate a threatened If be violates tae Uonstitntton then will come our time to act. Do not let aa break it beeaose, forsooth, be may. If be does, that is the time be iaiuJicious aad unwise to do thla aooeer. . I o not anticipate" that Mr. Lineola will do any - Ahiag to teonard ear safety or security, waatever snay be his spirit it da it, for be is bound by the Coestituvonil carfes which are tirowa areonl tim, wbiwh at th- tljoe render is powarlesa to 9 aoy rreat Gucnisu This chows tae wisaom clour sstem. Tie Presidssl of the United States is no Emperor, no Dictator be is clothed with no absolute power. He can do nothing nn less he ia backed by power in Congress. The House of Representatives is largely in the ma-ioritv against him. In the very face and teeth of the heavy majority which be has obtained in the Northern States, there have been large gains in the House of Representatives to the Conaerv stive Constitutional party of the country, which here I will call the National Democratic party because that is the cognomen it has at the North There are twelve of this party elected from New York to the next Congress, I believe. In the present House" there are but four, I think. In Pennsylvania. .Mew Jersey. Uh 10 and Indiana there have. been gains. In the present Congress there were 113 Republicans, when it takes 117 to make a majority. The gains in the Demo cratic party in Pennsylvania, Ohio, New Jersey, New York, Indiana and other States, notwith' standing its distractions, have been enough to make a majority of near thirty in tbe next House against Mr. Lincoln, Even in Boston, Mr. Bur- lingame, one of the noted leaders of the fanatics of that section, has been defeated, and a conser vative man returned in his stead. Is this the time then, to apprehend that Mr. Lincoln, with this large majority in the House of Representa tives against him. can carry out any of bis nn constitutional principles in that body? In the Senate he will also be powerless. There will be a majority of four against him. This, after the loss of Bigler, Fitch, and others, by the unfortunate dissentions of the National Democratic party in the their States. Mr. Lincoln cannot appoint an officer without the consent of the ben ate he cannot form a Cabinet without tbe same consent. He will be in thecondition of Ge rge the Third, the embody ment of Toryism) who had to ask the Whigs to appoint bis Ministers, and was compelled to receive a Cabinet at-terly opposed to bis views ; and so Mr. Lincoln will be compelled to ask of the Senate to choose for him a Cabinet, if the Democracy of that body choose to put him on such terms. He will be compelled to do this or let the Government stop, f tbe National Democratic men, I for that is their name at the North,) tbe conservative men in the Senate should so determine. Then, how can Mr. Lincoln obtain a Cabinet which would aid him, or allow him to violate the Constitution? Why, then, I say, should we disrupt the ties of this Union when bis hands are tied when he can do nothing against us?. I have heard it mooted that no man in the. State of Georgia, who is true to her interests, could hold office under Lincoln. But, I ask, who appoints to office? Not tbe President alone, the Senate has to con. cur. No man can be appointed without tbe con' sent of the Senate. Should any man then refuse to hold office that was given him by a Democratic Senate? (Mr. Toombs interrupted and said if the Senate was Democratic it was for Mr. Breckinridge.) Well, then continued Mr. I apprehend no man could be justly considered untrue to the interests Of Georgia, or incur any disgrace, if the interests of Georgia required it, to hold an office which a Breckinridge Senate bad given him, even through Mr Lincoln should be Presi dent. Prolonged applause, mingled with interruptions.In my judgment, I. say under each circum stances there would be no possible disgrace for a Southern man to hold office. No man will be. suffered to be appointed, I bave no doubt, who is not true to the Constitution, if Southern Senators are true to their trusts, as I eannot permit myself doubt that they will be. My honorable friend who addressed you last night, Mr. Toombs and to whom I listened with the profoundest attention, asks if he would -ubmit to Black Republican rule? I say to you and to him, as a Georgian, I never would submit to Black Republican aggression upon our constitutional rights. I will never consent myself, as much as I admire this Union, for the glories of the past or the blessings of the present, as much as it has done for the people ofAMhese State; ad ninch as it has done for, civilization; as much aa the hopes of tbe world hapg upon itf I would never .submit to aggression upon my rignts to oihintaiu it longer, and if -they cannot be maintained in the Union, standing on the Georgia Platform, where I have stood from the time of it? adoption, I would, be in favor of disrupting every tie which binds the Stages together. I will have equality for Georgia in this Union, or I will look far new safeguards elsewhere. - This is my position. The only question now is : Can they be secured in the Union? That is what I am counseling with you to-night about.. Can it be secured? In my judgment it may be, but it may not be; but let os do all we can, so that in tbe future, if the worst come, it may never be said we were negligent in doing our duty to the last. My countrymen, ! am not of those who believe this Union has been a corse up to this time.-True, men, men of integrity, entertain different view from me on this subject. I do not question their right to do so; I would not impugn their motives in so doing. Nor will I undertake to say that this Government of our fathers is per- hfect. Where will yon go, following the sun in its circuit round our globe, to find a government that better protects the liberties of its peeple.and.se cures to them the blessings we enjoy? t Ap plause.! I think that one of the evils that beset os is a surfeit of liberty, an exuberance of the priceless blessings for which we are ungrateful. We listened to my honorable friend who addressed yon last night (Mr. Toombs) as he recounted the evils of this Government. The first was the fishing bounties paid mostly to the sailors of New England. Our friend stated forty-eight years of cor Government was under tbe adminis tration of Southern Preadents. Well those ash ing bounties began under the rule of a Southern President, I believe. No man of them -raring tbe whole forty-eight years ever set his adminis tration against the principle or policy of them. It is not for ma to say whether it was a wiae pot icy in the beginning; it probably was not, and I have nothing to say in its defence. But tbe reason given for it was to encourage our young men to go to sea and learn to manage ships. My opinion is. that whatever may bave been the reason at first, this bounty ought to be dis continued; the reason for it at first 00 longer ex ists. A bill for this obiect did pass tbe senate, the last Congress I was in, to which my honora ble friend contributed greatly, but it was not reached in the House of Representatives. I trust that he will yet see that be may with bonor con tinoe his connection with the Government, and that his eloquence, unrivaled ia the Senate, may aereafter as beretofore, be displayed in saving this bounty, so obnoxious to bim, repealed and wiped from the statute book. - Tbe next evil that my friend complains of, was the Tariff. Well, let as look at that for a moment. About the time I commenced noticing matters, this qeestioa was agitating the country alssoat as fearfully s the slave aneation oow is. la I83iwha I was in College Soath Carolina was reauy 10 anility or accede firosa the Union on this account. And what hava va am? Ta Tariff no longer distracts the public eoaaaa Reason has triompbedT The present Tariff was voted for by Maaeaehuaett and South . Carolina-The lion aad the lamb lay dowa togeibr very man in the Senate and fjeoa from ILiaaaehcy setts aad 8ata Cerofil, I thick, voted fee is. as did my bocorab'e friend himself. And, if it be tree, to use tbe fizure of speech of xzj honorable friend, that averv man ia tL North that werka ia iroa Aad Irus aad woojt baa bit muscle I itrtetheaal ty prcUctioa of tba Govern- neat, that tuaIaal waa giyea by hit rotossdl believe every other Southern man. 80 we ought not to complain of that. Mr. Toombs That Tariff reduced the duties. Mr. Stephens Yes, and Massachusetts with acanimity voted with the South to lessen them, and they were made just as low as Southern men asked them to be, and that is the rates they are now at. Another matter of grievance alluded to by my Hon. friend, was the navigation laws. Ibis pol icy was commenced under the Administration of one of those Southern Jf residents, who ruled so well, aad has been continued through all of them siace. Have we not at the South as wet! as at the North grown great, prosperous and happy nnder its operatiou? Has any part of the wotld ever shown such rapid progress in the development of wealth, and all tbe material resources of nation- al power and greatness as the Southern States have under the General Government, notwith standing all its defects? Mr. Toombs In spite of it. Mr. Stephens My Hon. friend say we have, in spite of tbe General Government; that, with out it, I suppose he thinks, we might have done as well, or perhaps better, than we have done this in spite of it. That may be, end' it may not be; but the great fact that we have grown great and powerful under the Government as it exists, there is no conjecture or speculation about that; it stands out bold, high and prominent, lixe your Stone Mountain, to which the gentleman allnded in illustrating home facts in his record. This great fact of our unrivaled prosperity in the Union as it is admitted whether all this is in spite of the uovernment whether we of the South would have been better off without the Government, is, to say the least, problematical. On the one side we can only put the fact against speculation and conjecture on the other. But even as a question of speculation I diner with my distinguished friend. What we would have lost in border wars without the Union, or what we have gained, simply by the peace it has secured, no estimate can be made of. Our for eign trade, which is the fonndation of all our prosperity, has the protection of the Navy, which drove tke pirates from the waters near our coast where they bad been buccaneeering for centuries before, and might have been still, had it not been for tbe American Navy nnder the command of such spirits as Commodore Porter. Now that the coast is clear, that our commerce flows freely outwardly and inwardly, we cannot well estimate bow it would have been under other circumstances. The influence of the Government. 00 us is tike that of the atmosphere around us. Its ben efits are so silent and unseen that they are seldom thought of or appreciated. We seldom think of the the single element of oxygen in the air we breathe, and yet let this simple nnseen and unfelt agent be withdrawn, this life-giving element be taken away from this all-prevading fluid around us, and what instant and appalling changes would take place in all organio creation! It may be that we are all, in "Spite of the Gen eral Government," but it may be that without it we should have been far different from what we are now. It is true, there is no equal part of the earth with natural resoorces superior, perhaps, to ours. That portion of the country known as tbe Southern Slates, stretching from the Chesa peake to the Rio Grande, is fully eqa the picture drawn by tbe Hon. and eloquent Senator last night, in all natural capacities. But how many ages aod centuries passed before theae capacities were developed to reach this advanced stage of civilization? There these same hills, rich in ore, same rivers, same valleys and plains, are as they have been since they came from the hands of the creator. Here Mr. Stephens referred with brilliant elo- Snence to the history of other nations to Greece, ome, and tbe South American States. There are defects in our Government, errors in administration, and shortcomings of many kinds, but in spite ot these defects and errors, Georgia has grown to be a gret State. Let us pause here a moment. In wov there was a great crisis, but not so fearful as this, for of all I have ever passed through, this is the most per ilous and requires to be met with the greatest calmness and deliberation. . There were many amongst ns in 1850 zealous to go at once out of the Union, to disrupt every He that binds us together. Now do you believe bad that policy been carried out at that time, we would have been the same great people that we are to-daj? It may be that we would, but have you aoy assurance of that fact? Would we have made the same advancement, improvement and ptogress in all that constitutes material wealth and prosperity, that we have? I notice in the Comptroller General s rerjnrt that the taxable property of Georgia is $670,- 000,000, and upwards, an amount not far from double that it was in 1850. I think I may ven tore to say that, for the last ten years, the material wealth of the people of Georgia has been nearly, if not quite, doubled- The same may be said of our advance in education, and everything that marks our civilization. Have we any as s u ranee that had we regarded the earnest bat misguided patriotic advice, as I think of some of that day, and disrupted the ties which bind us to the Union, we would have advanced as -we have? I think not. Well, then, let ns be careful now before we attempt any rash experiment of this sort. . - . It may be that out of the Union we may be come greater and and more prosperous, but I am candid and sincere in telling you that I fear if we rashly evince passion and without sufficient Cause shall take that step, that instead of becoming greater or. more peaceful, prosperous and happy instead cf becoming Gods, we will become demons, and at no distant day, commence cutting one another a throats. This is my apprehension.I come now to the mam question pat to me, and on which my counsel has been asked. That is, what the present Legislature should do in view of the dangers that threaten ns, and the wrongs that bave been done ns by several of our confed erate States in the Unoin by the acts of their Legislatures nullifying the Fugitive Slave Law, and ia direct disregard of their constitutional obligations. Our present safety and future security can be maintained without looking to tbe last resort, the "u&tata ratio regum" That should not be look ed to until all else fails. That may .come. On this point I am hopeful, but not sanguine. I have told yon that I do not think Mr, Lincoln's bare election sufficient ceoae; bet if his policy shoald be carried oat in violation of any of the principle set forth in the Georgia Plat form, that would be such an act of aggression which ought to be met as therein provided for. If his policy should be carried out in repealiog or Modifying the Fugitive Slave Law so a to weaken it eCcacy, Georgia has declared that she will in tha last resort disrupt the ties of the Union, and I sav ao to. I stand odoo the Geor- gia platform, and upon every plank, and say if these aggteaeioo thereto provided toriase piaca, I say to you and to the people of Georgia, keep yoar powder dry and let roar assailant the have lead if aeed be, (Applawe.) I woald wefe Cw en act of aggression. fc : ,r 17orthera States, oa eoterice into theTederal eeajpact, pledged themselves . to surrender fugi- Uve slavest and it i m dtrera.JM Uieir uon etUntiooai oblizalions that they have passed laws which even tend to hinder or ir-peda tie fa!HIl-tnent cf that obliz&tioa. They hay violated their plightad faith; what on-1.1 wa to da ia new of this? That i th qaesjion. What i to b done? By the law of nation yoa woald hare th right to demand the carrying oat of this ar tide of agreement, ana 1 ao not see mat it snonia be otherwise with respect to the Bute of this Union, and in esse it should be not done, we woald, by these principles, have th right to commit act of reprisal on these faithless Govern ments, and Seize upon their property, or that of their citizens wherever found. The States of this Union Stand upon the same footing with foreign nation in thi respect. JJut by tbe law of nations we are equally bound, before proceeding to violent measures, to let forth onr griv an ces before the offending Government, to give them an opportunity to redress the wrong. Has our State yet done this? I think not. Let ns, therefore, not act hastily in thi matter. Let your Committee oa the State of the Republic make out a bill of grievances; let it be sent by the Governor to those faithless States, and if reason ana argument snaii 00 men in vain an shall fail to induce them to return to their Constitutional obligations, I would be tor retaliatory measures, each a th Governor has suggested to w a J a. . " . yon. 101 mode 01 resisiencw in tne union 1 in onr power. It might be eaectual, and if, in the last resort, we would be justified in the eyes of nation, not only in separating from them, but by nsing force; (Some one said the argument was already ex hausted.) Mr. Stephens continued Some friend say that the argument is already exhausted. No, my friend, it is not. In view of all these questions of difficulty, let a Convention of the people of Georgia be called, to which they may he all referred.. Let the sov ereignty of the people speak. Some think that the election of Mr. Lincoln is cause sufficient to dissolve the Union. Some think those other grievances are sufficient to dissolve the same, and that the Legislature has the 'power thus to act and ought thus to act. : I have no hesitancy in saying that the Legislature is not the proper body to sever our Federal relations, if that necessity should arise. An honorable and distinguished gentleman on lest night (Mr. T. R. R. Cobb) advised yoa to take this coarse- not to wait to hear from the cross roads and groceries. I say to yon, you have no power so to act. Yoa mast refer this question to the people, and yoa must wait to hear from the cross roads, and even the groceries; for the people in this country whether at the cross roads or groceries, whether in the cottages or the palaces, are all equal, and they are. the sovereign in this coantry. Sovereign ty.is not in the Legislature. We. tbe people, are the sovereigns. T. am one of them and have a right to be heard, and so has any other citizen of the Statej Yon, legislators I speak it respectfully. are iut our servants. Our ooDaiiiuuon came irom mepeopie. 1 ney maue it, and they alone can rightfully onmake it Mr. Toombs I am afraid of. Conventions, . Mr. Stephens T am not afraid of Conventions legally chosen by tbe people. I know no way to decide great questions aflecting fundamental laws, except by representatives of the people- But do not let the qneatioa which comes before the people be put to the people in the language of my honorable friend who addressed yoa last night. Wul yoa submit to abolition role or resist T " - . i- Mr. Toomba I do -not wfia tha people to be cheated. Mr. Stephens Now, my friends, how are we going to cheat the people by calling on them to elect delegates to a Convention to decide all these questions without any dictation or direc- tion ? " ' I think the proposition of my honorable friend had a considerable smack of unfairness, not to say cheat. He wished to have no Convention, but for the Legislature to submit their vot to the people. submission to abolition rule or resistance ? Now, who in Georgia would vote ,4ub-mission to abolition rale f'Laughter. Is putting such a question to the people to vote on, a fair way of getting an expression of the popular will on all these questions ? I think not. Now, who in Georgia is going to submit to abolition rule ? Mr. Toombs The Convention will. Mr. Stephens No, my friend, Georgia , will never do it. The Convention will never secede Jrom the Georgia : platform. Under that there can be no abolition rule m tbe General Uovernment. I am not afraid to trust the people in Convention upon this and all question. I advise tie calling of a Convention with the earnest desire to preserve the peace and harmony of the State. I should dislike above all things, to see violent measures adopted or a disposition to take the sword in hand, by individual without tha authority of law. I My honorable, friend said ; last . sight, "I ask yoa to give me tbe sword, for 'f yoa do not give it" to me, a God lives, I will take it myself.. Mr. Toombs I will Applause on tea other side. r r -. ' Mr, Stephens I have no doubt that my hou orable friend feels aa be says. It is only bis ex cessive ardor that makes bim use such an expression; bat thi will pass off with the excitement of the hour. When the people in their majesty shall apeak, I have nodonbt be will bow to their will, whatever it may be, upon the "sober second thought." Applause. Should Georgia determine to go ont of the Union, I speak for one, th ngh my view might hot agree with them, wt atever the result may be, I shall bow to the will of her people. Their cause, and their destiny ; and I trust this will be the ultimate course of all. Th greatest curse that can befall a free people, ijf civil war. Shall it be said then that onr instiaotions, founded npon the principles of Misgovern meet, area failure?; jThus tar it fa s noble example, worthy of imitation. The gentleman, Mr. Cobb, the other night said it had proved a failure. A, failure in wLat ? In growth ? Look at our expanse in national power. . Look at bar population and increase in all that makes a people great. A. failure ! why, we are the admiration of the civilized world, and present the brightest hopes of mankind. Some of oar pablio men have failed ia their aspiration ; that is true ; and from that comes a great part of our trouble. (Prolonged pplaus.) No, there is bo failare of thi government yet. We have made great advancement nnder the Constitution, and I cannot but hope that we hall, advance higher still. Let a be true to oar trust. - ; Now when thi Convention assembles, if it shall be called, as I hope it may, I woald say ia my judgment, withoit dictation for I am eon fernag arith yoa freely and frarHsly, : and it is the that I give toy views it hould take into eoasideratioo all those Questions which distract thepublio mind j should view all the grounds of secession so tar aa tbe election of Ur. Lincoln 1 concerned ; aad X have : no dooht the . wonli say that tha constitutional. e!ectfoa cf no man is saiSoient eausa to break up tie Union, but that the Stat should wait until ha at Isaet do some dneonstiiutional act. : . ; rf ...... . EXrv Tootaba-Commi t aome over act, - . - Mr. Stephen No, I did not say. tbst, . The word ovart is a sort of technical term connected with treason, which fcaa com to p from th mother country, aad caeao aa open act of re-, bellion, . I do o e how rllr. Licco!a can do this unless fca should levy war .cyn ns- ,1 to not tKAVofSvi. Btm tha mrtr$ rtvart . I rt In. j tend to wtit fo tiat. Est Icr tL vr:rl cn I consUtaiioaal act, which sr pecrla codsrsiasi much better, and which wxpreesea just what I mean. But as long as ha conforms to the Constitation h should be left to exercise the duties of his office. Ia giving this advice I am but sustaining tha Constitation of my country, and I do not thereby become a Lincoln Aid man. But this matter the Conveution can determine, . A - . -.1 - r"- V.a a -w as to ine omer matter, 1 xnin we nave a right to pass retaliatory measures, provided they be in accordance with the Constitution of the United States, and I think they can be made such. But whether it would be wise for this Legislate re to do this now is the question. To the Convention in my judgment, this matter ought to be referred. At least let the States know what yonr griev an ces are, ana 11 tney retnte, as 1 said to give ns our rights under the constitation of oar coon try, I should be willing as a last resort to sever th ties of this Union. (Applause.) My own opinion Is that if this course be panned, and they are informed of the consequences of refnsal these States will recede ; but if they should not then let the consequence rest upon them. Another thing I would have that Convention to do. Reaffirm the Georgia Platform, with an ad' ditional plank in it. Let that plank be the ful. filment of the obligation on the part of those State to repeal these obnoxious laws as a condition of our remaining ia the Union. Give them time to consider it, and I would ask all State Soath to do the same thing. I am for exhausting all that patriotism can demand before taking the last step. I would invite therefore South Carolina to a conference. I would ask the same of all the other Southern States, ao that if the evil ha got beyond our control, which God, in His mercy, grant aay not be the case, let us not be divided among ourselves. (Cheers.) I have bat little doubt that the State of New York and Pennsylvania, and Ohio, and the oth er Western 3iates will compel their Legislatures to recede from their hostile attitude if the others do not. Then with these we would go on without New England, if she choose to stay out. A voice inthe assembly. "We will kick them out." Mr. Stepens I would not kick them out But if they chose to stay out they might. Mr. Stephens continued for some time on oth er matters, which are omitted, and then took his seat amidst great applause. On loud calls for Hon. Henry K.- Jackson, that gentleman arose and addressed the assem bly for about an hour,; mainly in opposition to some of the positions of Mr. Stephens. He was loudly applauded by his side. When he got through, Mr. Stephens again rose and rejoined in substance as follows : Be had hoped that what he had said might have been permitted to be considered and reflected upon by those to whom it bad been address ed in that spirit of coolness with which it had been delivered. He had come, to do what be could to allay excitement and to let the dispassionate judgment of the members of the Legislature have their own course ; one or two points only would be reply to tbe gentleman on. He, Mr. Jackson, had said that tbe people of ancient Greece and Home bad toet their liberties when they refused to fight for them- No, my ennntrvmen. said Mr. Stephen, tber lost their ilihervie whee the fell a prey toipteraal dissen SiOljS Binongsi tnfiaiBeivea. Aa - lung aa mey wers united as long as Athens, Corinth and Spar ta, and others of the Amphyctionie league acted harmoniously, they were more than a match for any enemy that ever come against them. This, Phillip of Macedon was aware of and his policy towards them was to sow strife amongst them. His motto was to divide and conquer," Civil strife was the cause of Greece's overthrow ; so it was with Rome. It was the strife between Mar ius and Sylla, Pompey and Cesser, and the civil wars that enued. that caused the -overthrow of that Great Republic It was when there were parties for Marius and Syllay, and for Caesar and Pompey; and none for Rome, and those parties got to fighting amongst themselves, that the liberties of the people were lost that their constitution was destroyed. It had been no in Frunce and all other Republics- Mexico is in this sad condition now. . The blackest page in the history of the world was that on which wer recorded the butcheries in th French Revolution committed by each faction on the other as they successively triumphed in tarn. Desmoulins, Denton, Robespierre, all went to the guillotine. 80 it may be in this country. Our peeple are by nature no better than others. When the hu- man passions are once annnaied, men oecome little better than fiends. Liberty was never the fruit of such strifes, ; Publio Works of the State of Ohio. The fiscal year on the Public Works of this State closed on the 15th November, 1860 The following table exhibit the receipt and expen diture for the year : , . . Ueceipts. lixpeoau . Miami and Canal and Lewistown Reser- voir.. ...... fiaoij oj ai-itij xv Ohio Canal.. 94,457 55 181,541 57 Hocking Canal..... ... Walhonding Canal....- Muskingum Improvement.. ....... .......m. National Road W. R. and Maumee Road ..-... . Salary of Members.... Contingent Exp' t Board and Salary of Secretary 16,768 36 839 30 17,585 53 16,181 46 9,181 55 11,613 08 4,587 49 36,855 84 18,837 36 8,544 03 4,500 00 2;386 56 $313,769 10 418,258 13 313,769 10 Excess of Expendit's over Recvpt $f04,489;03 . By a provision in the act of the last session, making appropriations for the preservation aad repair of the Publio Works for the year ending Nov. 15, 1860, the sam appropriated (if our memory be not at fault) was considerably less than the amount of revenue which the year has yielded, and it waa farther provided, that the amount expended should, in so case, exceed $2,000 per month, in addition to the revenue, and yet the amount actually expended, runs ap to th enormous sum of $418,258 23, and exceeds tbe revenue $104,289 13! Itthasappeer that the officers in charge of the Public Work bar paid ao attention whatever to tbe lew makintr appropriations for their preaervaiion and repair, but have gone forward a though they were not eonstrajned ia th least, and involved the Stat by expending i t addition to thai revsv trne received, the sam of $104.439 13. T7e suppose the Board of Public ETotxx, a it fbrtheomieg report, will oTer to th consideration of the General Assembly some reason for it conduct. Until tie report appear, and we have tha defence of the Hoard for it extraordinary action, we shall defer such comments as eem to ha ea'iadfo ob ta occai3a.r - ;r 1-,-:i company .of solvent men cTered to taksj Uit&ct th Cans!), and carieg th Ust session proposed t the General Assets t'y to paras n-ouaJrcrtcf ia tz.l r tla csetf tljra, but this c-Tar waa iecZzci, TZz.l tie Cuit sve- cef tsd tha eCTsr, tia would ia t-a Crst Cscal yr political. of the lease have received into the Treasury from Public Works, the ism of $20,000, instead of having drawn front it, as the result of the year operation, $104;489 13; making a difference of of $124,489 13 a sum in these hard Ume well worthy of consideration and saving, even by the State of Ohio. " Two years ago in January next, the Canal question being before the legislature, we urged npon that body as tie best thing it could then do, in view of the complication with the Canal Contractors, and for the advantage of the Pablio Work and the benefit of the Treasury, was to restore the canal contracts to the Contractors for the term of two years, they agreeing to receive and keep the works in repair nndei them, and discharge the State from damage on account of her breach of the contract. I3y thi mean tbe difficulty between the Contractor and State woald have been composed, and a we then believed and said, the State would at the end of the' term, the present time be a large gainer ia a pecuniary point of yiew. The two years have passed away or nearly so, and we are enabled to compare notes, and judge who was right and who was wrong. The Canal Contractors were to keep the canals in repair, under the direction and in pursuance of the orders of the Board of Publio Works, and the. Engineers in their employ. The amount to be paid them was $278,000 per annum, or for the two years, $556, which . would cover everything in the shape of repairs of all kinds. It will be found that the Board of Public Works has expended in the two years about $750,000. or about $200,000 more than the contractor would have received under their contracts, and we are assured from good authority that the Board has " carried forward " omitted to do more than $100,000 worth of necessary repairs, that in justice to the safety of the works, and the convenience of those navigating them, should have been done this season 1 When the official reports are published we shall have more to say on this subject and sim ply refer to it now, to attract the .attention of the people to this great leak to which the officers in charge of the Public Wyrks and the Gen eral Assembly appear so indifferent. Slates- man. The Issue of 1860 Foreseen Speech of jsx-xTesiaeni jruimore. Mr, Fillmore fully . recognized this ' difficulty of a sectional rule, even if it be a majority role, when he proclaimed the following philosophical, truthfal and jrat sentiments in the Presidential campaign of 1856 : Read I They are words of profound prophe cy : . . : . -r We see a political party presenting candidates for the Presidency and Vice Pres'denoy, selected for the first time from the tree States alone, with tbe avowed purpose ot electing tnose candidates y the suffrage of one part of tbe Union only, to role over the whole United States. Can it be possible that those engaged in auch a measure can have seriously reflected npon tbe consequence which must inevitably follow in case of sue cess ? Can they have the madness or folly to oppose that our Southern brethren would sub mit to be governed by anch a Chief Magistrate? OwpDOsathaA tlietwMstsV-hsrrmr -majority if- the electoral votei should -declare that they would only have slaveholders fori President and Vice President, and should select such by their suffrages to rule over os at the North. Do yoa think we would submit to it ? No, not for a moment! And do yoa believe that yoor South ern bretben are less sensitive on thi subject than yoa are, or leas jealous of their rights ? If yoa do, let me tell yoa that you are mistaken. And therefore, yoa must see that if this sectional party succeeds, it leads inevitably to the destruction of this beautiful fabric raised by oar forefathers, cemented by their blood, and bequeathed to us a a precious inheritance. I tell yoa my friend, that I feel deeply, and therefore I speak earnestly on this subject, eriee of "You're right 1"J for I feel that you are in danger. I am determined to make a clean breast of it. I will wash my hand of the conse quences, whatever they may be ; and I tell you that we are treading on the brink of a volcano that is liable at any moment to burst forth and ovenchelm toe nation. Post Office Department. We are indebted to Hon. Horatio King, First Assistant Poat Master General, for a copy of th an nnal report of the Post Office Department. Tbe Report is very lengthy, but contains matter of interest and importance. The total expenditures of tbe Department da-riag the last, fiscal year amount to $19,170,782. 15, of which sum $4,296,009.26 belong to 1859. Tbe total expenditure for 1860, is $14,874,772. 89. The total revenue for tbe same time $9,-218,067.40. Excess of expenditure over reve nue, $5,655,705 40. . The total sales of stamp and stamped envelopes reached $6,26 1,533.34. an increaa of $608,-782.83 over tbe sales of 1859. Fiom 1853 to 1858 there was an increase in the expenditures of tbe Department of about one million per annum, with a corresponding inereate of deficiency, except between 1855 and 1856, when the increase of each was only about half a million. Between 1858 and 1869 the increase of each was about two millions. From 1859 to i this time the increase of expenditure ha in creased about the same, with a decrease in deficiency, however, of about $660,000. The estimated deficiency for tbe coming year is $4,566,-600.On the 30th of Jane last, the end of the fiscal year, there were in operation in tbe United States 8,502 mail routes, estimated at 240,591 miles in length of which miles 27,129 were by railroad, 14,176 by steamboat, 54,577 by coach, and 143, 912 by inferior modes- The number of contractor was 7,445. Tber has been a decrease of 19.458 miles in tbe length of the mail routes, but this is made up of a reduction of 8,464 mile in the length of the coach routes, and 4,-233 in tbe steamboat routes, while the length of railroad route baa increased 1,119. There ar in the service 40 local agents, 1,619 messengers, and 68 railroad baggage masters. ; The number of postmaster appointed during th year was 6.555, of which 1,140 were by the establishment of new postofSce. Whole number of Post Of nice in the Unioe 28,553. A "Wide Ao-sJce Gettis hi Vlrtitni . Yesterday a Wide Awak want into th office of one of our brokers, and wanted aome western mousy exchanged. It unfortunately happed to be bills of some of th refused Illinois Basks and the broker told him he would take, it at 30 per eeat discount. This demand appeared very exorbitant, and he demurred in rather strong Ian gusg. Th broker then asked him if be wasn't on of th fellow he bad seen around only a few nights ago, with a black apa aad torch. The Wide Awake said fc wa, aad wanted to knew what that had got to do with 15 saoney. Oh, nothing, replied the broker, wnly you are getting yout dividend on yoer iavtmBt i ?',,,?'-r" Thw-TTid Awak left tha cOc aweeruig that be would go bom and break hu torch oyer U. first nepub!n, head that ever asked him 19 torn out '-sh. If tbi was the tn frmU of chaa-e, b wotLJ Kka ti knew -it i p-0l3 to by Ca, Lk thonsan?s f e'.ers. ktz1 f sea tisig error. Lirilo IZcptilUe. A Dltntd iTospeet tor ute Hatters ciXTt 7 York. " In order to giv aa idea of th sad chac that baa taken place ia many of our maanfao taring establishment, since the election of Lia . . V 1 com, says tae nw iwi iwi, bob wmj vniy IW idrMsS (da itrti. al tnt tina. and aa the larg nam oer ox iat mecnanica woo aiaca around the street corners, with their Land ia their pockets, their countenances betraying thai unhappy condition. Bat, perhaps, there ia BO department of indstry ia this city which has suffered so much as the hatter. Ia Pretties' hat manufactory, ia Raymond street, where, b fore the election, upward of one thoasaad hand wer employed, most of them roe a. at salaries varying from $6 to $15 a wek?and about four hundred girls, who averaged $4 per week, those having been employed by the year, Mr. Prentice, before the election, had $75,CC3 worth of goods manufactured for th Southern trade, having received orders therefor; but immediately after the election these order war countermanded, and the consequence U that th market is bow overstocked. In order to remedy in some manner this sad state of things, Mr. Prentice a few weeks sine i. . i i . i r v L l . . m ... . 1 . IOOK Dace a largm oumoer on oan par, oai aw since been obliged to discharge them. . Ames 4 Monlton, hat manufacturers, tu T70- liamhnrr. 'oontrihntd 500 foe th relief cf those discharged at Prentice' factory. Credit, able to the men employed there, each on CO a. tributes $3 a week, and the foreman $10, to aid those who have lost their means of livelihood by the sectional triumph of Block Republican sBMWMae9y4awMMaM'la Political Gamblingr-We learn from the Capital City Fact that tha Republican electors, of this State, who met at Columbus on the 5th inst., to east tha President tial vote of the State, in order to decide to whboa should be awarded tthe honor and profits of being the bearer of the returns to Washington, re. aorted to a system of gambling by placing a number of tickets in a hat after the style of draw, ing a lottery. The lucky number was drawn by Mr. J. AsKBysr, of Holmes county, who wa thereby entitled to abont two hundred and fifty dollars for his patriotio aarviees. The Fact fan ther says that it is stated that this political gam ing will not be allowed to pass unrebuked, Judge Batics, it learns, intends to call the atten. tion of the Grand Jury at the next term of court to tha natter, and have each member of tbe Re publican Electoral Collage of Ohio indicted un der the gambling act. . Louisiana to Seeede. A telegram from New Orleans, of date of tha 13 th says: The unanimous passage of the Con. vention bill fixes the policy of Louisiana for immediate separation and State action. After secession, a general Convention of the s'avehold-'ng States will be held, and south ern right for ever secured on the formation of the Southern confederacy. Five hundred thousand dollar were appropriated for arming the State, Tha bnta giving prefereoce to foreign countrie ove the North in th pnrchase of arms, and confiscating Northern goods arriving after January, wereTaefeated. Poblijs opinion is overwkelsiiB J for secession . :. 1IR. A2TD UR3. DOITBLEDOT, 4. QCARRELSOMB COUPLB WHO) ARE KKOWB AVOXO THEIB FRICXD3 AS THB MDOO AX0 CAT." A scene enacted by Mr. and Mrs. Howard Pact ia their entertainments, which have become very popular throughout England. In London they gave one thousand reprseniations betrg tha longest "run" ever attained in the metropolis bf any entertainment, with the exception of th lata Albert Smith's Lecture on "Mont Blano?' Me. Let me have a moment's peace I I implore, I beg, I pray! Stay your tongue! your scolding ceas( Or you'll scare ray wits away! Wrangle, clatter, poise end dinl All day long end are I can 't!r Do be quiet! Pray give in! - Will you, madam? SA. No. I ahan't! He.-Tell me, then, what bar I done? She. Everything! Don't ak me wbatf Yoa would br-ak a heart of stone! lie. So would yout Now would she not She. There! Just like yon! Off yoa go! In a rage you always fly! Tis a shame to treat me ot I'll not bear iU He. Nor will I! She. Ne'er was wife so badly used! What I suffer none can know! Snubbed, neglected and abased! Where do yoa expect to go? He. Silence, madam! I command! Hush, this inatant. Pray forbear, Some one's coming close at hand! . They will hear yon! She. I don't care! He. Do yoa wish to drive me mad? Stay! what's this? Oh, never! Tef Pray, forgive me. Twa too bad. ' Site. Leave me, or 171 bos yoor ears! He. Really, madam, pon ray life, Thi is going ranch to far! I'm yoor hatband! She- I'm yonr wifa He. Then obey m! : She Ha! baf ha I Do yon take m for a slave? He. There, there ; come, now, let it reji J A Fores snch I'll noi behave i HcQooi ness gracious what a pest She. Ye: 'tis I that' all to Warn I W!l, 'tis woman lot to bar He. What the dicken She Sir, for shame! r w L-i . t Yoa must know I'm far from strong Spare me, then, this new distress, I shall not be with you long 1 27. Blissful thought, what happiness She. I decltre now, if Idon't--Crnel man. to let yoa see, " Go and drowa myself f m JTtf. No, doa't. Tkiak what woald tc7 (! - i She. Sir you are a perfect brute r, He - Like yourself my ton,j to. Aad a wretch, beyond dispuU! a. Then we are a pav, mj dear. Would yor faca I'd werer seen f .... . Food regrets, alas I how via I He. Ye, and eoastaM still taawJa f Ste. Ob, yoa Boastrl He. Oh, you abrew I. J5A. RufSaal . . .. ; r .. lie. Vixea! SUFright! '.Be. Old vquibt ' She Yoa're a Bavag ! He. You'r a erew 1 . . ? 5. You're aanth - He. ThataSbt , " 4, Sir your shoulfer J wi .:.? : Llask aad bloev I tell yea i. . '. J . r. v. wnn irtt da Ilk as Ec I " . . . 1 m. , ' f ' St, So you ar 1 - - - ; -. -. - :-is. Tha you'r a Cgl I -