Mt. Vernon Democratic banner (Mount Vernon, Ohio : 1853), 1861-04-23

              -4, ., i VOLUME XXY. MOUNT VERNON, OHIO : TUESDAY, APRIL 23. 1861. NUMBER 1 . r'.5-T :--m l y m r FV1LIIIID ITI1T TVKSBAT MOaSIX, D U XIAUFEXU Ofice in TTooiTArd'i Block, Third Story TERMS Two Dollars mi tnitm, mhUi la ad vaaee ; $2,50 within six months ; $3,00 aftsr th ex piration or the year. SPEECH Hon. J. C. Breckinridge, DELIVERED IK TUB Ball of the House of Bepresentaiives TUESDAY, APIllX , 1861, Id Compliance with an Invitation Of THC KENTUCKY LEGISLAT17BE. Mr. Speaker, Gentlemen of the Senate and House of jcepresemcuitxs, ana euow-iuaent: When I reached home oo Saturday last, I wii informed that I bad been honored by aa invita- tion from the General Assembly of thia State to ddress lb cm upon the present coodition of Federal affairs. 1 feel ' most profoundly, t!r, the honor of this di stinction, and I only regret that I am not conv : petent to reward the fnvit tion in such manner as I feel convinced it deserves, and give to the General Assembly tbe counsel they hare asked At my hands. But, sir, owing all that I am to the people of Kentocky owing so much to gen tletnen around me, who have extended me the' invitation, I did not feel at liberty to decline. 1 Teel, sir, that U imposes upon me the doty to peak with perfect plainness and freedom my opto ions and sentiments in reference to the present condition of our country. Standing, as we do, in the presence of a broken Union a broken Confederacy the manner in which it may be restored, if that be possible; the relations wh ch Kentucky and those States which are associated with br may i-e obliged to taKe, and m.T) other kindred questions, are of teSSgreetst interest and magnitude. They iSe, sijy far above all party considerations and AH party plat forms. In the cr.nrse of my life. eirT have given and taken blows in the ordinary tLiitieel contests of the country; but I feelTopon such an occasion as this onejjycld eradicate from his bosom every pajJg'of party feeliig, and speak accord-gX" dictates of ..hie hooest jtidgarvot con "Truing the aery highest interests of bis State and f his country. Accordingly, Mr. Speaker, I will abandon any friend with whom I have been con -aected who differs with me in the views I eoter-tain upon the all-absorbing question, and I will cheerfully unite with all to whom I may have been opposed teretifure, no matter how bitterly a'l who will agree with the views which as e citizen I shall be bound to take, I will stand arm in arm with them as if we had been twin- Pethapsthe General Atsem'Jy will excuse tne. if I lietaio them for a few moments with some restarts with respect to myself. You are quite JsuJat the official pontion poaition which I held iuJ?l'8t Congress made it impossi&re for me to parjcl5n the poblic discussions of that body.' But thtu?sT person throughout the country, or at Washio"fcMbwho felt a deeper interest in what tooklac, orVijJtried. according to his capacity, harder ihn mysttf to bring aboot a peaceable adjunment of our pajalic sW- frtulties. Among otber things. I sogeeued a conference of the Senators from the Southern States, which was held, with a view of unitii.g the counsels of all the Stales upon some plan of adjustment, ti reunite tbe slates that bad gone off, and to prevent further additions to thir number. My ditingnibed friend now before me Hon. John J. Crittenden was in that Con gress, and I well remember his speeches there, and his efforts . to unite the counsels of all on some plan that should give satisfaction to the dioati6ed States A few weeks after this I had the honor to draft a paper with a view to a conference or the Border Slave States for tbe purpose of uniting counsel and preventing a collision of arms. It was signed by the Senators from Kentucky and other Southern Slates: but when it reached the House of Representatives, it was attacked from both J qaarters attacked from one quarter because, it was said, the object was to gather together the Border State and precipitate them into secession ; attacked from other quarters the lower Southern States because, it was alleged, the object was to unite tbe counsels of the Bordtr Slatls, and thus, perhaps, prevent the carrying out of the secession movement. Failing to ob tain the signatures required, it fell through. Mr. Speaker, we stand now in the presence of a broken Union. . A separation of the States has commeoced, and baa been carried forward to a certain extent. The causes of that sepe ration ought to be briefly considered, before we coma to consider tbe manner in which the Union nay be restored, if that be possible. It seems to me, sir, if 1 may be allowed to make a few general observations, that difficulties in which we are now involved bare not sprang up suddenly. The withdrawal of seven States from tbe Con fed eracy has not been tbe work of politicians alone, or the impulse of a sadden madness, or the bol-. lition of blind rage. Great communities of men do not so act. We all know that men are prone tosaffWr while evils are tolerable, rather than alter the forms to which they are accustomed. I speak without reference - to the merits of the movement I refer to, but ; with reference) to tbe facta. It broke oat with volcanic force;- but the causes that prodooed it bad been growing, as the chemical causes that produce volcanic eruptions have been long preparing in the bowels of the earth. It seems to me, sir, that the causes of our present diQealtiea are to be found in the radical differencea which exist among the people ia re. gard to the character of the Common Govern- KsnU The dominant party ia this country hold theory, and carry out in praetiee, the idea that the Common Government la a coveromant made by tbe whola people ia the aggregate and as a ; unit, laey tail or refuse to recognize the prom inent and distinctive existence of the several . States as parties to th a Federal compact. Hence they peak' continually of the people, and of go' rament by las people. I bet iy, are yon not willing that tba majority shall rule 7 What ob j action bar job to tbe. expression of the will of .uxe majority no matter ia what form tnat majority eball determine, or ia what manner tha will -of that majority Is ascertained? It is a nficteot answer to your objection, say they, thnt this is a F"""" Kwwnmens, aad yon. mast bow to toe riii of tbe people, or the majority of the people. --Ia all tbU. sir, tbe existence of these State is , tnorei - its eminent gentleman, now ta Pr dent of the United States, declared upon, a re cent occasion in a futile address, substantially, .thai the States bold the same relation to the com . .mon -uovernment that tbe counties of a-State hold to the State itself. Accordingly they are prone to attoropt t adraioistar. Federal aCairs between tbe States, precisely a the Legislature M a i a w w a ve wu aanuauter tba tain to each ii- county within its border. Growing out of this is a pronenesa to ignore Constitutional limitation, and to do in the several States juat whatever the domnaat party may desire to do. Growing oat of this is a claim to monopolise all the Territories of tbe United States. It is rain to make a Constitutional argument vain to appeal to tbe decisions of tbe judicial tribunals of tbe land. '. They will tell yon that the will of the na tion is against it. The majority of the people in thee Confederate States being in favor of excluding nearly one-half of their brethren, and haring the numerical power to do to, they propose to do so in accordance with the vicious theory which they entertain and of which I have spoken. I speak of this difference as one of the eantel which has tended to produce tbe present condition of Federal affairs It is one which will have to be argued in Kentucky, because it is of the nature of political differences to work themselves out of their nil imate causes. We will have to determine whether this is simclv a DODular consoli. dated government or a limited confederacv with constitutional limitations a forernmeat made by the several States. I bold the theorr contained in tbe Kentuckv Resolutions of '89. which. I believe 'have been indorsed and approved by the great majority of all political parties. at one time or another that tbe Federal Government is a compact of govern ment between tbe btatesr that it is not the final judge of its own powers, since that would make its discretion, not the Constitution, the measure of its power; bnt that, in the last resort, each must judge for itself of the mode and manner of redress. - As we determine that, we determine other q nest ion a questions of treason, questions of allegiance, and other questions that may arise in tne progress ot tne existing dimcalties. . I do not hold that any partv has a causeless right to break ep or withdraw from the Govern-meat. I do not bold the right of a State to die solve its connection with the Union bv causelessly breaking the compact. What I mean to say is, tbat a State can judge for itself of the mode and measure of redress. Its confederates have rights. and may also judge of the mode and measure of redress. If the magnitude of tbe difference be such that it leads to a coliisioo. there mar be bloodshed .Jut the bloodshed will be between two grrnments. and tbe character of the con M will be warm. Tbose taken prisoners are cot to be hung as traitors, but are to be held as prisoners of war. Tbia is one of the important questions which will grow out of the decision of the question which now agitates the country. Hence, sit, holding theie opinions, while I have loved and do love, the Common Government under whose Constitution I was born; while I will adhere to it with fidelity, and co-operate in measures to restore it to its pure original principles, I bold tbat the ultimate action of my State is my action her destiny is my destiny; tbat I will share it with ber; and that in going with her I do not feel that I am a traitor to ray government; I do not feel tbat I owe that divine allegiance which will cause me to run tbe hazaru of being bung by one authority or the other, according as each may get possession of my person. , Mr. Speaker, I believe that the Federal Gov eromeut was intended for a confederacy of States, and in the language of the Constitution, went into operation between tbe Stales ratifying the eajne. We can get along with this Common Government as a confederacy. We cannot get along with H as a consoloated popular government. We have various interests at stake. We are, in many respects, a various people. We have tbe Puritans in New England, and we have almost a different race in many parts of the South. We have a German element so scattered over some of the Northwestern States that it otarly controls them. The Siatea are possibly capable cf being united in a confederacy for a few and limited purposes, but that is all. Why, if it were as the Administration holds if a majority of tbe noo slavebolding States, for example, putting asida the limitations of tbe Constitution, beiug the final judges of their own powers. (if they, by forming themselves into a government, can control us, wbat kind of a government, is ibis? It is the most extraordinary non-resident despotism that ever existed among men. Not ouly is it a deapoiism, but an alien, non-resident despotism. When it assumes a party form; when a political sectional party, uniting in themselves all tbe powers of government ; when they take the Executive Chair, the Senate, and the Honse of Representatives ; when they reform, to use their own ; language, the purposes of the federal and judicial tribunals here yon have a President, a House of Representatives, and a Sea-ate, all elected on sectional ground it is an alien government, the worst that ever cursed the world. Mr. Speaker, I have thrown out these remarks, not for tbe purpose of going elaborately into this discussion, but as indicating some of tbe causes which have led to our present difficulties some of tbe questions which will come up for discussion, if they are not soon settled. It may be said there are inconveniences in both modes of construction. It may be that tbe Government will not be so strong nnder either form as we could wish it to be. Bat, sir, we cannot make a stronger government than the one I have indicated, for a Confederacy of States, of -almost various races, covering a great continent, and embracing many millions of people. If there be some danger to fly off into parts, it would be better so than that it should all tend to aeon- solidated popular despotism. The one preserves municipal constitutional liberty, the other ia a sure road to political death. Mr. Speaker, the theory I have indicated, upon tbe part of tbe dominant party, carried out into practice, has brought a sectional party into power, and has broken this Union Kentucky wants to play ber part in restoring it. Now, sir, I shall trouble yon with, a brief bnt true statement of the efforts which were made at the last session of Congress to adjust existing difficulties, and prevent a separation of the States then united, as well as to bring back tbose which bad left the Uaioa, It was agreed, Mr. Speaker. that tbe Union eould only be preserved by the incorporation ef substantial guarantees in the Constitution of f uture peace and security. Ac eordingly, upoa the motion of a Senator from Kentucky, a.eommittee of thirteen senators was raised to consider and agree opon some plan- of adjustment. That committee was composed "of tbe ablest men ia tbe Senate of tbe United States, representing all parts of the Confederacy, and all parties ia tha Confederacy. Both ef the Sena etors front Kent oaky were members of tbat committeeone beranae be waa tbe author of the resolution, and from his general merits; the otber because ef bis prominent eon section with certain; measures of adjust me at, and from his distinguished public eervieee. That committee was is session tea or twelve davs. They reported to tbe Senate that they bad been able toagreeon no single proposition. The picked men of the Union -the "PBieot the States-selected on of a select body, and set apart to confer in, wis. dom and patriotism after two week's continued effort, they reported that they bad heeu able to agree oa no single proposition., , About the time that committee was raised, the- honored Senator from Kentucky introduced what are known as tbe Crittenden Resolutions, They were referred to - that com mitten. Yen? all know what they were.' The country is familiar with them. Nearly all of them are re&rJfd as simply declaratory ef the nhts. gowantsed y the existing Consti. tutioa. The provisions tbey contain in regard t slavery ia & District of Colasitia, Iha later. State slave-trade, the interference of Congress with sla veery in tbe States, and in the arsenals and forts, and certain oiber propositions, are red ognized as being a part of the Constitution and declaratory of it. The leading provisions of the resolutions, about which controversy arose, was touching tbe question of slavery m the territories. Kentucky bad declared, in every form, that ber people had an equal right with any other people to remove into the territories, and to take with them all their property, including slaves. The Supreme Court of the United States bad, in a case familiar to yoa alL alarmed and indorsed the opinion of Kentucky; and in a spirit of pa triotic concession, which has been ratified by bis own btate tne distinguished gentleman to whom ! refer proposed to make an equitable division of that territory I ear equitable, it is a generous and inequitable divis.oo. It was proposed to sur render to the Northern States, by express consti tutional provision, four -fifths of the present terri tory and to reserve one-nfih. ; Bat it provided that the recognition and protection of slavery in thai one-fifth should be as clear and explicit as tbe prohibition in the four-fifths. Not one Republican Senator would vote for any of that series of resolutions neither for tbe territorial proposition nor for tbose declara tory of the provisions of the present Constitution. Una by one these propositions received their un broken negative vote. They rejected them in committees ; they rejected tbem in the Senate ; they rejected them in tbe House of Representa tives: they rejected every other form of proposi tion tbat was brought before either ZJouse of Congress, except one, and that was a proposition by tbe late senator from New York, now Secre tary of State, declaring that tbe Constitution should not be so amended so as to: interfere with involuntary servitude in tbe State; and there are but few Republicans who claim tbat Congress has that power now, under the Constitution. Nobody supposes that the aggressive purposes which they have in view on African slavery are to be carried out by immediately aboliabmg slavery in tbe states. No. It is to be ac complished by more circuitous but not less fatal means. " I have said, sir, that the representatives of the domoant party in this country not only rejected tbe resolutions of my distinguished friend, (Mr. Crittenden,) but rejected all other propositions of adjustment except the one to which I have just alluded. Yon may hear it said that they have manifested a desire to accord the rights of the Sooth, by the passage of certain bills for the organization of the Territories of Colorado and Nevada, because those bills passed without the prohibition of African slavery within those Ter ritories. 1 do not desire tbat there shall be anv misnnderstanding in regard to that matter, and I will briefly state tbe facta. At the last session of Congress the Republicans in the Hanse sent a bill to tbe Senate repealing the Territorial law of New Mexico recognizing slavery, but it was de feated in the Senate. At this session, however, tbey were anxious to have tbe Territories organ i zed. J bey bad quite a population there, most of it from the North. Tbev knew well that the incoming Administration would have the appointment of all. the judicial officers. They knew that it was an underlying principle of their party that the normal coodition of the Territories is that of freedom, and that neither Congress nor tbe Territorial Legislature could give legal existence to slavery in the Territories. Hence, anxious to have the Territories organ ized, knowing that the patronage and appoint ment of officers would be in the hands of a President holding this principle, who would appoint judges who would decide in accordance with this principle; being nnabie, also, to incorporate a proviso into the bills;, feeling sure that they ran no hazard, tbey agreed to suspeod, for the time being, tbe incorporation of tbe principle of pro hibiuon into the bills, because they could not gel tbem in; determined to take the advantage of securing the appointment of all tbe officers in the Territories, with the perfect certainty that no slave could be taken there and protected there, i Hence it is delasion idle mockery to say that there ia any purpose in the Republican party, as indicated in the passage of the bills, to recognize or protect this species of property in any Territory belong to the United Stales. . Sir, there were resolutions presented to the last Congress by a very highly respectable body which convened in Washington, called the Peace Congress. I may add that these propositions ere rejected m both bouses by overwhelming votes. 1 am told it is said tbat the Peace Conference resolutions are better than the resolutions of Governor Crittenden. I am told it is sup posed io many quarters that tbey ought to be entirely satisfactory to the Southern States; that they are more clear and explicit than tbe resolu tions of my distinguished friend. I suppose they, have been pretty thoroughly discussed by gentle men from Kentucky, who were members of that body; therefore I shall give my opinion opon them very briefly. The declaration in the provisions of the Peace Conference resolutions, that Congress 'ought to pass law more effectually to secure to each State the rights and privileges of the several States, is the germ, I fear, of aggressive- and. unconstitutional legislation on the part of a sectional ma jority against the .rights and interests of tbe southern States. I confine myself to the territorial aspect of the resolutions. Mr. Crittenden's resolutions upon that subject are clear and explicit: In all the territory now or hereafter to be acquired north of latitude" 36 deg. and 30 rain., slavery or involuntary servitude, except as a punishment for crime, is prohibited; while in all territory sooth of tbat line slavery is hereby recognized as existing, and shall not be interfered with by Congress, but shall be protected as property by all the departments of the Territorial Government during its continuance. All tbe territory north or south of said line, within such boundary as Congress may prescribe, when it contains a population necessary for a member of Congress, with a republican form of government, shall be admitted into the Union on an equality with the original States, with or without slavery, as the Constitution of the State shall prescribe. : That ia clear and explicit. Everybody can understand it. By constitutional provision in all the territory north of a given line, slavery shall be prohibited. Clear, simple, broad, unmia. takable language. By the same resolution, in all the territory south of a certain, line, involuntary servitude shall be recognized as existing, and shall be protected. Equally clear with the otber measure, just and reciprocal. . Let as see tbe language of the Peace Confer ence resolutions upon the same subject: In all of the present Territory of the United States north of the parallel of 36. SS'.nortb lat itude, involuntary servitude, except as punishment of crime, shall be prohibited. Ia all the present Territories south of that line tbe status ot persons held to involuntary servitude or labor mm , mmm -wiat. . T . T 1 Mmt m .V . . 4 MA .V.11 aav law be passed by Congress or the. Territorial Legislature to hinder or prevent the taking of such persons in the states of this Union to said Territory, nor impair any rights arising from said relation, bnt tbe same shall be select to the judicial cognizance of the Federal CqortSjf according to the course of tbe common lawv That is clear aad'explicrt, anj BncIatalatTs a,s the kindred language in Senator CriUenden's. ! It ia staled in the report mae toi tLe Govern- mens ia Aentacty Uat tie only c.a'.ac:.U C.r-fereaee between the two sections is that the see tioa cf tie Peace Conf-zestca o sc prqTi-s m m - SJa - m " ' an important omission. It is a question that should be seuled finally, and for all time. We expect to expand we know we do. In settling our present difficulties let as aot patch sp a tem porary settlement, leaving as to renew these con vnlsions at bo distant dsy. . One of the great ad vaatares of the Territorial plan propoaed by Governor Crittenden was, that, if adopted, it was a final, eternal settlement of the disputes be tweea the North and toe south on the questions jrrowin? out of African slavery. Bnt that was not the only difference. The re port roes ou to say: With this exception, tbe proposition to divide the territory is tbe same in the amendment proposed by tbe Convention and by Mr. Crittenden's proposition. There is a difference of language in some respects between the two sections, but they, both mean tbe earns thing, that is, African slaverr. If that was so, and the Crittenden Resolutions were known all over the country, and had been approved by Kentucky and other States if it waa tne same in interest and meaning- wnv not adopt that which was familiar to the people and had received the indorsement of the people' of the stater The Conference ISeport roes on to say: '. :n , v a - The expressions used in ilr. CriUenden's sec tion, "Tbat slavery is hereby recognized as ex isting south of that line, was objected to by some, as it might be construed, that it meant to establish slavery in the territory by a Constitu tional provision. : Bnt the meaning of the lanraage does not io u ry sues an inference, lo recognize the exis tence of a fact is not to establish that fact by law. No. gentlemen, it was a quibble on the part of the Northern delegates to that Conven tion. Tbey sever intended to Commit their peo ple or themselves to any for m of language by which property in African alave$ should be re cognized in any territory. They have been true to tbat node-lying principle of their political party all the time. In Congress had in the Peace Conference they give such phraseology to their resolutions and measures that tbey are- not com, milted to recognize, in any' form property 1st African slaves under this common Government of Ours. That is tbe reason they obiect to the language of the resolutions of my distinguished ftiend. Tbey did not regard it as the same in meaning and intent. : I will tell yoa why they objected to it. It is said here: It may be well here to state what is tbe status of persons held to involuntary service or labor in all the Territory of tbe United States sonth of 36 30'. By tbe law of New Mexico, which cov ers the whole of the Territory south of that line. African slavery exists by Territorial enactment, protected by the Constitution of the United States. The laws of the Territory protect the right of the owner, provide remedies, civil and criminal, for injuries or violation of each right as completely and effectually as it is protected in the State of Kentucky. . . - ' . The argument is tbat the resolution declares that as in the present Territory sonth of that line. the status of peraons held - to labor shall aot be changed, witbout determining, wbat trst status is. .. - : . . , Now. what follows? -The- laaarftf lerrL? rial Legislature, and its legal effect, has been the subject of discussion from the beginning. Now, Mr. Lincoln sends judges out to the Territory of New Mexico to determine this status judges ap pointed according to bis political principles, to determine this status opon the principle that tha normal condition of all the territories is one of freedom, and tbat neither Congress, nor, the Territorial Legislature, nor individuals have a right to give it existence. That wilt be the decision his judges under tbe status resolutions. It is ambiguous, inconclusive, unsatisfactory and do ceptive. After giving away four fifths of all the public domain as a concession to peace, to be pot off by a declaration tbat tbe status shall not be changed, but shall be determined and admitted and administered according to the coarse of the common law the dispute existing as to what tbat status is by jndges who hold that neither Congress, nor a Territorial Legislature, nor indi, vidoala have aright to recognize slavery in the Territories of the United States. I would rather have nothing at all, I would rather stand upon the old Constitution, and fight it out, than take such an abortion as that; and then, after we had been paired down, cnt down right and left, to adopt, simply for the sake of phraseology, a thing that it is. said meant the same thing as Governor Crittenden's, taking about twice as many words to express it. Senator Crittenden's proposition had the- advantage of condensation, it is admitted. Bnt after being cut down in this way, giving a whole empire to the North prohibiting, ia express terms, oar people from every sharing any part of it, giving, in return, a suit at law to be determined by judges against os as to tbe remaining one fifb even then it could not receive the votes of more than one-third of the Northern States in the last Con grass. : There were feurteea Northern States represented there. Five voted for this emasculated proposition. Out of twenty one or twenty-two States, bnt nine voted for it four being Southern Senators. . And that, gentlemen, is the proposition opon the Territorial question, cutting oot all after-acquisitions, leaving ns in this deplorable position as to new States; and even in that form receiving bnt one-third of the Northern States, and rejected by Congress. The are the propositions that I am told the people of Kentucky are to adopt as a mesas of receiving their rights, and recalling- tbe seceded States. In my opinion that proposition, look at it how you may, means disunion in its worst ssnse, and nothing else; because we know it will never restore the Unioa of States. It means disunion permanent separation of tha seven seceded States and compelling tbe Border States to choose their-fntore destiny. : Mr. Speaker, in this branch of what I have to say I set out to give a .brief statement of what had been done, with the present condition with tbe present status of the question."" In so far as the dominant party is concerned, the "sum of it is that the Representatives of tha majority of the States of this Union of thenon-slavebold-ing States have in the midst of convulsions that ought to have moved every patriot to some prompt effort for tbe pacificstioa of his country they have voted dowa every proposition which came from the North or from the South every proposition, I say, tbat looked at all like a broad and" comprehensive settlement of this question. They voted dowa the resolutions of the Senator from Kentucky, and they voted down tbe resolutions of tbe eminent and patriotic - Eanator from Pennsylvania, Mr. Bigler. They voted down tbe resolutions of Mr. Douglas, and they voted down th Border State resolutions even, which, I thick, they might have accepted, for there was Ices in them for any body to be dissatisfied with ttaa ia any thing I ever saw or thought cf, - Then they voted down the peace propcsl.iors,.t-t pre:2ut:I as their ultimatum the resolution cf the lata Senator from New York, now Secretary of date. Gentlemen, we won't abolish slavery in the sUtes where it exutsy.we won't bolU'.i it ty Congress, and the Constitution shall not te o acencei as that Congresjr eha! be authorized ta abc!. h sU very ia these Crates,- Jlearly f,or rr ;r.w cftW Quest and patriotio Spppal by.--many Genators and Representatives four months cf eTrt in the presence ef crumtKog States anl at the tv-i ef it a", the c'umatum which h&s l,ei c-t ed by "the dominant party to tbe wronged sactfon is, we will siss l say tha we will cct t2cl tor tbe acquisition 01 laisre territory, ibat u the Constitution so as to deprive yoa of your property in your own States. So far aa they are I concerned, that is tbe reward which they have j given to the border slavehold tag States for efforts ! as loyal, heroic. and patriotic aa ever were made by men, first to preserve, and then to reunite this nion. I desire, in telling what I believe to be mournful truth, to state what I consider, the present policy of the dominant or Republican party. I say to yon, sir, thai so far from intending to make a thorough, fair and boneet settlement of national iron Dies, wey are engaged to-day in devising plans by which they hope to secure to themselves, aad ultimately to their principles. all the Border Slsveholdiog States of this Con federacy. . You have seen in the public press an account or an interview between a leading spirit of this Administration and a delegation from Illinois about the time of Mr. Lincoln's inauguration. It is the key note, ia my opinion, of the policy of that party. He declared to them then, sub stantially, that be bad occasion heretofore to call their attention away from the Union, which was not in danger, to the principles of freedom which were in danger; but that now having aecured the principles of freedom, be contemplated calling their attention away to tbe consideration of the Union, which is in danger- Without indicating a purpose to snrresder or yield in tbe slightest degree in regard to. the essential principles of their organization, tbey are the loudest in pro claiming tbe old Constitution that Constitution which they have for years been perverting. : It is not the policy of the dominant party to surrender a single one of their distinctive prinei plea, unless compelled so to do by a general outbreak of the people. But tbey intend to shift the matter from the question of Republican prin ciples to tbe question of Union, and te secure the frui.ts of their triumph by tbe abased name of the Union of the States. For this purpose they propose to use the Border States. To-day, instead of devising some broad and general plan lo unite these States, tbey are engaged in the dirty business of dividing out Federal offices, and devising schemes by which they may attack and debauch these very Slates that have made the best and noblest efforts to save this Confed eracy. , -r:. - Look at the character of the Administration. The most radical, uncompromising anti-slavery men in tbe United states are connected with it, and are prominent in its counsels. The Senate itself is organized upon the very, principles of Abolitionism. The most thorough, radical anti- slavery man in America controlling the entire organization of that Senate. As to its course in the appointment of the men who are sent to represent ibis com try abroad. One man is sent to Austria, who not only spits upon all your Con stitutional rights, but publicly declares that he must have an anti-slavery Bible, an anti-slavery Constitution, and an anti-slavery God. A German, from the edge of the lakes, is seat to Spain, to replace a Kentuckian; a man .that spouted from one end of tbe eonatry to tbe other, principles that would destroy any government oa earth.. As Consul-General to Canada this Ad ministration has seat tbe most BotorionlA lifed Abolit;vi-i-i--w Vu,E t,i tre4uciitiy uociareJ tbat not.' only does he not feel obliged to carry out tbe constitutional provision for tbe rendition of fugitive slaves, bnt that be has frequently aided and aaaisted slaves in escaping from their masters. This man glories in the violation of constitutional law. Then, Mr. Speaker, whatever may be our hopes or our fears, I have, in the course of my remarks, stated facts. : I bare stated, that, to the extant of their power, the present dominant party, with the President of the Uniid States at their head, adhere, amid all the confusions of their eonntry. to all the principles of their . political platform, and that they ha-e no purpose, intention or de . . . - tmn, mm m sire, in regard to our present dieicuiues, to settle them upon terms that Kentucky, or the otber slave States, have asked, or that their interest demand?; that they are willing to give yon alone the poor boon that the Constitution shall not be so amended that Cngress shall have power to abolish slaverr a paper declaration, which they are no more likely to respect than tbe other declarations which they have so openly trampled on tbe ground. I have spoken of these things, first because thev are tree: next, because in my opinion, it is important that they should be known ia order that the Border States may be belter able to de termine wbt C3nrse to purine in their efforts to restore tbis Union. I suppose that having t-een honored by tbe invitation of this Legislature to address them, I an expected to speak plainly; therefore, I do not trespass upon your lime to deal in idle specula tions, when I prorKse to give my bumble segres. tions as to tbe course which it seems to me Kentucky ought to take,, I assume tbat it is tbe earnest desire of tbe people of tbis Commonwealth to reunite all the seceded States nnder the Constitution end the Union. I believe that such is to-dav the desire of a majority of thepeo-of Virginia, Delaware, Maryland, Missouri aad Tennessee. I am inclined to think, from representations of gentlemen who ought to know, that, in all probability, so far as Arkansas and North Caro line are concerned, those States are likely to go with the Southern Confederacy, and, therefore, I express tbe opinion, with- confidence, only in regard to the States I have named, I maintain that if there be a mode possible of restoring these States, it is not by pursuing a course of timidity and surrender. The Interests of Kentucky, Vir. giaia, Missoan,and Maryland are much tbe same. The interests of Kentucky, Virginia and Tennessee are intimately connected that it would be im possible for oee of them to pursue a coarse that would not effect tbe others. ' They mastco-operate, . Tbey must work together. I believe they are disposed to co-operate io one loyah- patriotic effort to preserve the Union of tbe states. . I take it for granted that all parties ta the Stale of Kentuckv desire to see a conference of the Bor der slavebolding States, for the purpose of nniu'ng their counsels -and propoaiBg some plaa of ad iustment to offer to the North aad the South as a basis ot recoacinauow ana peace. . .. -? Now, Mr. Speakeras far as tbe -Northers States are concerned, we must pass by all the men is public life, m any form, aad go to the States themselves.- Too have tried, first to save, ! then to restore, the Federal Government through the medium of General actioa. Yoa can aot de it. i Yoo have to fall back npoa tie State. Yoa most nndertake to restore the Govern meet by Stata action- Yoa must appeal to th State of the North- So far a they are concerned, what is the prospect ? It seems to me todepead opoa the question, whether tbe moral faaatical element lust for dominion so strongly prevails aa to cake the question incapable of being settled cpoa a polities basis.- If tbis element does pre vail so strongly; then, indeed, all hop Is gone. If it does cct prevail, then., I maintain, that the ri-ht political basis can ta had. . If it can ts settled upoa that basis at all, it can be settled cpoa the right political basis at least it can be eeUlcl upon a basis sa much 'ess than the f-'J measure of right as tas teea prcosed to thea by ;;ec;acjr kerze -:r-. :. -. ;-- -r-f. '-'. 7e cannot sel.T j tie rieslioa, ITr. Cpealer, by jafiionafe as! ir,tetr-;erat acTf-a. T7e can boV settle th cuessons by rfi.Mrp to ree- rnk? rreat fcts that atnre tla wcilJ ia the fca.- tatila Lt ty Jetocscir; the citizens f these Confederate States as traitors tai outlaws. Ve canact seUle the cuesUoa Ij raising new difficulties in regard to the. c-avr gation of the Mississippi, or the high or low tariff, or other questions which have no direct bearing. W can only seule it by laying down wbat is right, demanding what we are entitled to by the Constitution of tbe eonntry, and getting these rights, offering the olive branch to the North on the one side, aad to the South on the other.: Now, air, if we were to nndertake to settle tbe qaestion upon tbe high level of constitutional right, we would take the position that a Border State Conference should be held, and that the Northern Statea must agree that the people of the Southern States shall have the privilege of emigrating to the lemtoriea, ana of taking their property with them, and of holding it there protected. We would sustain tbat claim which has been ratified frequently - in the political actio of the Government, aad by the declaration of 'the highest judicial tribunal of tbe land. Kentucky, in every form in which ber Legislature, or conventions of the people themselves could express their sense, baa ratified that declaration, and declared it to be just. Bat, sir, Kentucky and the Border States have receded from that level to another. They have receded to the lev '1 offered by the Senator from Kentucky, who entertained the constitutional opinion f have just indicated as the full measure of right, bnt who yielded, i a a spirit of compromise, and his act has been indorsed by tbe people of this State. Now, air, I hold that if this question can be settled at all with the Northern States, h can be settled upon the basis of the resolutions offered by the Senator from Kentucky, with the amendment submitted by bis colleague ia the Senate an amendment which may be said to be sine ply declaratory of tbe original purport of the resolutions; because, according to their proper con struction, tbey originally expressed toe sentiment they are maae, perhaps, more, definitely to bear by the amendment offered by . the col league of Governor Crittenden. Then, here are resolutions which Kentucky regards as constituting a proposition which she might offer to the North, and the South, as a ba. sis of settlement. It may be said tbat if she offers more there is no hope that the Northern States will accept it. If she offers less, there is reason to believe the Southern States will not accept it ; indeed, the danger now is that those resolutions may not reunite all the States. I am perfectly confident that nothing less will upon' the one aide, and upon the other I am perfectlv satisfied that if the question can be settled at all, upon a political basis, tbat can be obtained. . Mr. Speaker, movements of this kind never tra backward. They have been allowed to progress i until sometimes in reflecting upon the subiect. thoughtful men can scarcely parsaade themselves that there is a hope of reuniting all the thirty-four States, in the Union. For one. sir. it would gladden my heart beyond measure to see them ail n oder-ooe Constitution, as amended by tbe resolution of my distinguished friend, althongh I believe that time will develop that political af. fairs in this country, having taken a course not anticipate J by the fram era ot the Constitution- politic 1 o ' -' :-v will be difficult to prevent frequent coevultion in tne latere, without tbe full recognition of some self-protecting element by which the weaker portion of tbe nation may have the power to protect and defend itself. But-if we could reunite the States upon tbe basis of these resolutions, these questions might be settled yet. Now, Mr. Speaker, what position are we to take in Kentucky ?. Do we want to keep those seceded States out of the Union ? ' Do we want to make some proposition to tbe Northern States that may just patch up a settlement that will leave the Union with half the South gone, and with the remaining few feeble Southern States members of a Northern Confederacy 7 Then all we have to do is simply to clamor down the Crittenden Resolutions, and to clamor up the name of Union without conditio y without saying what are oar rights, and what we must have. Raise the cry of Unioa without condition and yon have the result. Those men who will reject adjust. ment measures, and refuse to take a manly, op en stand opon tbe ground of settlement, which they believe themselves to be less than the mea sure oi ionsuiQiionai rignt, and at the same time declare4hey are for the Union and the Constitution, are in effect the kind of men who, in their purposes and motives, are the very worst of disumoniats, because tbey pursue a course that makes the permanent disruption of the Union certain. They pursue a course that insures the connection cf this Commonwealth with a Northern Confederacy as a free State. 'The men who are Union men in the true sense of tbe word, desire to agree noon some plan of. adjustment a a a a wnica may an He tne statea. Tbey are more entitled to the- name of constitutional r.en than those who desire to see Kentucky re (rein in the Union without terms, and without conditions. What, tho, would be our condition f Let as suppose that Kentucky and her associate States those most intimately connected with ber by geographical position - and interest take no ground in favor of a thorough and sabsujitia basis of adjustment, we all kuow that half ih Sooth will be gone gone forever. There will remain some six or seven slave Slates, having thoroughly surrendered, having given sp every thing they have because it is ''obnoxious to Northern States,' as the phrase now is. These Statea are left like an army in tbe field with both flanks exposed, with nearly all their trade gone with nearly a ' quarter of a million of slaves in their midst that can not go either to the North or to tbe Sooth laboring andet the pressure of . a high tariff, while the more Southern States are prosperous under a low tariff; compelled, perhaps by tbe nineteen free Slates that overmaster tbem soon to join them, and insist on the formation of a Northern Confederacy of twenty fire States-compelled, nnder those circumstances, to furnish funds and forces to harras, and possibly subjugate, the States below; that is tbe prospect that opens before onr beloved Commonwealth, anlese she pursues a course that accords with ber own glorious history a true, brave, and manly iKorse. Then comes epoa as immediately, instantly, the qoeation of emancipation. The Soalb ia cut in half, then, and there are nineteen e6nalave holding Slates to six or seven slavebolding States tha government practical! adnikaiattd without Constitutional limitations, in a spirit of an-tislavery fanaticism; for what loyal" Northern maa could stand op ia tbe North, when half cf the Sooth was gone, ia defense of the Coastitu tional rights of so poor a fragment as would re mam x ve would fall beaeath the aggressive power of an overwhelming party. It would be come instantly a question cf cmaacipatioa la Kentucky.. A powerful party would rise here for the pnrpos of carrying forward each amove ment. Ilr. t'peaier, it would succeed. Jt is fccrrihla to con temp!!,, 'end" nothia lass than decision and courage will preveal as from see-in theae specter ia the future as powerful resl-i itiea A party ia Kentucky wi3 be raised to pur ia practice tXe workings of emanelpatioa, whether wi;h or without compeaioa, I can not say; if with compensation, it will probably be a mere soraina! matter, --Eat there is even a lijher 'cue&tion than that of pernniary in Urest involved. I have aaiJ that the Eoulhern S'aiea wi'.rnot allow tha slaves to la c&rrWd tW, and the N -rth wi3 aot allow tbem to earried iato thir midt. Aside, then, from th qaiioi of property, yoa will have a ca&rtcx cf a tnUlioa of slaves thrown upon th soil of Kectuckya pcHica) and social carse. The, sir, yoa will see trouble in the State. It is a social question as well as a political one. It ia one io which every white maa in Kentucky has an interest. If tias waj allowed I think I could nndertake to show tbat tbe boo slavebolding white population of Ken tacky have as deep aa interest as any other pee plain resisting ard preventing that accursed policy which is to brisg emancih&tioa into this. country, and to throw two hundred and. iit thousand negroes on the body of society,, . If I am wrong, I am willing to uTr tie cosk , sequences-If I am wrong, it. is aa hecest error of .judgement. I am altering my whole heart, tof whole opinions, to a body that Las. 1 done me the bonor to ask for them. Then, ir, Issy it seems to me that if the Elate of Kentoc-t ky refuses to plant herself upon some position ibat is soitable to her own history and character! if she refuses to demand something she may reasonably ask, and ask without brisgiog a blush of shame npoa her cheek, something that she mas-offer her brethren in tbe North aad her brethren' in the South, she may prepare for whatever vortex chance may prepare to receive ber in.' L the end of tie Territorial controversy she ma look upon the ruins of a departed Confederacy t herself shorn of ber power, a miserable frajmec of aa antialavery Union. I hold that ia entertaining these sentiments I am a friend of the Union of these Elates. I confess that to me it is strangely ineooBprebensi-ble how wall informed gentlemen can take sash grounds that tbey will fall below, far below. aU measures proposed by the propositions of -tnf distinguished friend, jet declare they are, pan excellence, Unioa men, when, if. they will retlect, they must know that the effect of their policy ia to make the separation of the State eternal.- Will it not be our policy to try a coarse which may bring back the Confederate States, spoa. which we can say we feel that we can maintain onr poaition, our substantial rights upon this ba- sis stand long, plead long to reunite all tha States ? is it not better to pursue that policy, and propose such a plan which we can get, if it is firmly, bravely and respectfully demanded from the North, if we can get any thing f . Now, Mr. Speaker, it appears to me, sir, thai if the States of Virginia, Kentucky, Tennessee, and the other States I have indicated, were to. take tbe proposition of Governor Crittenden evV en make them stronger, if yoa choose; because. if yoa can ever get it off of tha fanatical basis,, and pot it upoa a political basis, it will he right. i am sure.' Take them offer them to the North aad la the Sonth bold tbem oot to both sections f fer the olive-branch to th North aad to the South try to reunite all these States opon this basiii say to tbem, gentlemen, we were member ofsv Confederacy of thirty-four states, that has brok en ia parts; we bold ourselves free to say how-far it ah all be broken. If we find it impossible " te reunite yoa upon terms that we think you can reunite with honor apon, then it is, Sir, that I; bold that the Commonwealth ot Kentucky would be perfectly free to pursue whatever coarse ber - think consonant with her iEter:: - r-m m.- eimj muni, ia fcaca a t-.t-.y contingency as that, I would advocate. It ia oot withia the scope cf these remarks. . . " ?" Mr. Speaker, I hope it will not be considered, disrespectful for me to make one additional cb. serration. I am sure all will agree that whilevv er Kentucky shall do ia relation to ibis iepcr-tact questson, ought to be done by the exrree. sion of a decisive majority of her people. II era she is, and her purpose should be a just expree sion of a clear, unmistakable, decisive majority of the people of the State. On a queatioo S3 momentous as this, affecting her future destiny, a majority of a few hundreds, or a thousand or-two of her people, one way or the other,, might become a snbject of controversy or dispute. It might be said we have ' been defrauded or snr- prised in the election. $Te have been deprived of the expression of tbe deliberate will of tha State. Therefore, sir, I bold that ber actioa should be the action of a diatinct majority of her--people. I hold, further, tbat when the majority-utters its voice, that her citizeoa are bound ta acquiesce. I have seen with, wain and surprise- intimations tbat have been thrown out that a. minority of tbe people of the Cobb moa wealth, would add to oar calamities the horror of inter . necine war, if the-; majority should parese a. course opposed ta their views. Let as set thick of that, Mr. Speaker. That should be the last calamity that would affiiclis Com saoe wealth, Mr. Speaker, I have trespaesed too long apon-tbe patience of ihs Assembly. The condition of my health, and other casses, mad itdifficnlt for me to express the views which in so an pre tending a maocer I have attempted toadrance,and have dore it in a sincere spirit of gratitude an d respect, apon the invitation so hiBdly extended-to me. I trsst, sir, that the State of Kentucky, which hss not been precipitate, but baa been loy-. al, true, patient and forbearing, moat confpicona, of all States in the attempt which has been saadet to restore a broken Uaioa aad a broken Constr tutioa. She, a wronged people, has advocated, with eloquence and fervor, that cause which hadi better became the wrong doer. ; Kentucky hasl indicated her loyahy, her truth, &er honor, la. ia the sense of her people tbat she shall make another effort, in conjunction with her associatev Lorder Slates, for the purpose of reuniting all tha, States. There is not ia this room or Union a ona whose heart would leap with more gladness, than my own if such an effort sroali, be, scccegss. fuL ' . - . - " ; I trust , that Kentucky wilt sever forget thai principles of municipal coastitutionai liberty, are, r more saered to her tha eves the existesce of sv Federal Union of all the Statea that the "Unlet is a great, .glorious and beloved mean toaccoiav plisb ceetaia great ends, wbich. are life, liberty and the protection of property. I trust, sit, list, she will persist in her, efforts. I know she will use all honorable efforts to preserve th Cosstw tutioa and to restore the Union Bat. six, if ah last her efforts shall fail if the Constitottca i to be perverted if its spirit is. to be def twyeti, and the habitation of Cvastitaiional liberty cVf.1, ed, then I trust that the Com moa we a lib of Ka- tacky will gather np these priceless princi?.e?a and with them ber household gods, and thst.sh' will bear them to a sanctaary where tbt-j will h protected by Coostitu'ional laws, bo.et'-ministered, by a pure public faith, aaictt tv 'a combined inftueace ef iaeatic'aoH bypnciii azi perfidy- , ' Mr. Speaker..! retnrw to the Gener i 2?- r, bTy my most srneereandprofooci ach -it!" ' seats for the honor they. have csftrrti t: me, which I have repaid as lt I cotl 1 j a simple. pretendiDg, trcihf! eTjilvic lie affairs. Thankiflg yoa fot jont atter.-;?-, L. will trespass epon your t:ie to Irjer : Ctca? Crztrrr tt YTztlT--- A T7ash;r.taa cor: pan 2 est crawls c: crahle human nature ia t'.e f-"j?r . . : The worst lsap3ei mea vh r VTa&hic-taa are the llt'.la 1 m" ' ' eiacs. who, lavinj rt'''i-fp r'T"' tias, L-ccy tha o! w-,;.J. i. .1-.- '-eo!a,T33&t be f-"f at'.-Cd t--.4-, " '-these, the n??h-':ei3 psriy vc . l i fanct- Tbrss !E'' -: evr-t-ra r- : . ti'eation whfn pvesntl t t:e1"'-"-Cid:ng that ha fila ta recojr.is ' t ..-of them, on being presented last vw't, r " " nam and miieace t,i C t'J t