Weekly Ohio State journal (Columbus, Ohio : 1841), 1846-04-08

              W'JTlTpT T J .DjJjjj.L I 0 STA miTi VOLUME XXXVI. COLUMBUS, WEDNESDAY, APRIL 8, 1846. NUMBER 33. PUBI.IS1IKI) KVT.KY WKDNKSDAY MOKN1NU, BY CHARLES SCOTT & CO. Office in the Journal Building, south-east comer of High street and Sugar alley. T K U M 8 : Tnnre Doi.i.ah rr.n akkcm, which may bo discharged hy the pavment of Two Ooi.i.ahi in lulvanco, and free of . ...... A f u.r fi.niniio lit inta or (,'ollrclnrs. 'I' ha Journal is also published taiiv during the session of Ilia Log no a tare, ami uinco a wees, uie rem-nimur ui uiu for $'j and three times a week, yearly, for $ . THURSDAY KVKNINCi, APHJL 2, 1N40. The Kidnapping Cnse Public Meeting. Further intelligence has been received in our city since our Inst, (brought by Mr. Bkbkk, one of the per-mm who left hero in pursuit,) which seems to leave but little doubt that the kidnappers, contrary to gfne-ral expectation, proceeded to and remained in or near Frankfort with their victim. The boat upon which he was conveyed win boarded and upon inquiry the facta were ascertained as to hi destination. Mr. Miner, of Cincinnati, and Messrs. Cowi.rs and JJaiitol, of this city, at once proceeded to Frnnkfort, with the understanding that one of them should return ao as to reach this city, this morning. Neither of them, however, returned and we are still in dnubt as to the result of their efforts. Mr. Mono a, of this city, returned herefrom Cincinnati, this morning, and states that neither of the pursuers had returned to Cincinnati when he left yes-terdny.Governor BnTi.EV issued a requisition last evening upon the Governor of Kentucky for the kidnappers, which will promptly reach its designation. He haa not yet issued his proclamation offering a reward for the kidnappers, as it is deemed heat to await positive information as to the result of the proceedings instituted by Oil. Mikek and those who are with hint. The urn of fits hundred dollars has been raised by ourcit-liens, which, added to the fi re hundred proposed to be offered by the Governor, will muke the sum of one thousand Doi.LAiu that will be offered, if necessary, for the arrest of the wretches who have polluted our Bute by their violence. The meeting called on Tuesday last, and held on the evening of that day, to give expression to the sentiments of our community in regard to the outrage, was one of the largest ever held here, composed entirely of ouro:r. citiit-M. The Melhediat Church was crf.vued. A profound sense of the wrong perpetrated seemed to pervade the vaMt assemblage. But one feeling animated all hearts. Several addresses were made and a spirited set of resolutions which will be found In another column, were adopted without a dissenting voice. Every thing indicated that public sentiment here is sound on the great questions involved, and we Imagine that the hut outrage of the kind has been per petrated in the Capital of Ohio. An admonition has been given that will not be lost on wretches who are ready to sell their souls and the freedom of their fellow beings fur gold. banks from tax last November t for the reason that they had not been in operation sit months! and therefore could not set off six per cent, on their profits " for the six months next preceding" the first Monday in November. Did they, however, take advantage of the letter of tho law t Did these " villainous banks " re-fuso to pay a tax on their profits for the time they had been in operation? The ij did not! Did they, then, pay but " twenty dullart and sixty-su cents," as is alleged by the Statesman ? Let the buok of tho Tren-rer of State answer. By reference to those books we find that the following branches of the State Bank then in operation paid the aunts respectively annexed : Jefferson branch, ty.J,(il Chillie.othe do., .... (i ),! Franklin do , Cincinnati, 24;t,3U Xenia do., .... fi;:(i,'J3 Franklin do., Columbus, - 17,)6 Dayton do., .... G:i,33 Merchants' do., Cleveland, How does this compare with the statement of the Statesman? Can men doubt longer tho impositions practiced on them by such reck lens presses as tho Statesman ? Will thin error, thia falsehood be correct ed ? We shall see. For the information of our readers we copied from the books of tho Treasurer of State, a statement of the amount paid by the other new banks, known as the Independent Hanks. These banks, it ffill be re collected, went into operation lute lust summer and fall, and some of them a short time before the branch-en of the State Bank. Tho City Bank of this city and tho Dayton Bank were, we believe, the first to commence operations, but they did not receive their paper until about the first of August, if wo recollect aright. The amount paid by the Independent Banks, last November, for the fraction of a year, was as ful-lowCity Bank of Columbus, - - - $25: 3.1 Dayton, (0 G'J Western R-serve Bank, . iU 13 City Bank of Cleveland, . . - 4(i 5!) Bank of Geauga, .... 4!) G(i Commercial Bunk of Cincinnati - - 4"5 u7 Showing that the whole amount paid by the new Banks last November, almost immediately after they commenced operations, and but a week or two after some of them received their paper two thousand three hundred and forty-one dollars ! The old Banks of the Stale paid in January last on their semi-annual dividends, the following sums Kl'KIXII Ul MR. GIDDINGH, Circleville It ink. Lafayette Bank of Cincinnati, Life and Trust Co.,-Wooster Bank, Clinton Bank of Columbus, JollO 00 L.'.DO 00 4,(ior o1) 7.'0 00 More Fulse Ntntemcuts Imposed and Correct ed I Thing" aa tbey nrol A few days since the Statesman, of this city, put forth a vehement tirade of abuse against the Whig party, because of tho adoption of the Bank and Tux Laws. It affected to base this attack on a discovery that the Banks under the provisions of their i: barters and those of the Tax Law, were only to pay a tax on their dividends; and that even this tax they might pay or not, just as they should, in their sovereign pleasure, deem "expedient!" To bolster up this charge and give it a show of plausibility, the U'Mh section of the Bank Law was quoted a section that merely designated when the Banks should declare a dividend, and left it discretionary with them as to the amount of dividend they should declare. This section had nothing to do with that imposing a tax on the Hanks! But, determined to deceive, if possible, the Statesman fit lac )y assumed that because Banks were permitted to use their own discretion as to the amount of their dividends, they might exercise the same discretion in deciding, the amount of tax they paid. To show that this was utterly false, we quoted the COfi section of the B.mk Law which declares that they shall pay a tax on their profits, without reference to the amount of their demands! 1 his section expressly declares that they shall pay semi annually, at the time designated for making their dividends, six per cent, to the State, on their profits! thus complete ly showing the falsity anil wilfulness of all the dec la rations of the Statesman. Well, what next? Did the Statesman correet its error? Not a word of it, but it braxcnly attempts to mystify the whole matter, in an article occupying nearly three quarters of a column, that doe not con' tain i vngle correct representation from the beginning to the end ; but contains in every line evidence of pro. found ignorance or reek lets dishonesty we care not which horn of the dilemma n taken. It even refused to publish tho section itself, because its plain and ex-1 plicit terms would at onco show the grow fraud that j Lad been practiced upon its readers. Under such cir- cuinstancea we despair of seeing any thing like on honest acknowledgement of the facts, in that quarter, and must content ourselves with the conviction that the readers of that paper are too intelligent to be deluded hy such shameless fabrications. Now for its attempted defence. In its replication to our article, the Statesman of Monday reiterutes this declaration : " We assumed the ground thnt re!r nnd diridtnds, are co-relative terms ; and in this we are amply sustained by the history of the put year." Yes, we are well aware that surh an assumption was made. And, we are as well aware that it tefifse. It is not sustained by a single fact. Tho (i')th section of the new law was designed expressly to remedy the provisions of the old Bank Laws, (many of which were made by Locofoco votes,) which allowed Banks to pay taxes upon their dividends, instead of their sc. tual profits. There were many abuses under these provisions, aud some institutions did evade the payment of a proper lax, hy cutting down their dividends, and absorbing the amounts thus set aside otherwise. Hut, we shall not content ourselves with a simple denial of this assumption. Being in company with Mr. Moodie, the Cashier of tho City Bank, yesterday, we inquired of him whether he understood the Banks as being taxed upon their profits or dividend-!, under the new law. lie answered that the Uw compelled them to pay tax upon their profits and not their dividends. The City Bank, in November last, declared a diri. dt nd of 2.J percent., amounting in the aggregate tn a)l,3uT Had the tax been paid upon this dividend, it would have amounted to d only. But tin Bank paid itstax on the profiti, aa is shown by the re. cords in the Auditor's and Treasurer' office, and the amount paid was jfc'.W.3l ! three limes aa large as if paid on the dividends! ! i Will such facts induce the Slatrsnian to correct ita falsehood.' If so, we shall bo happily surprised in view of its past practices. We pass over here a considerable amount of uu'm-ftelligible stuff, and come tn what is set forth as an exhibition of what the branches of the State Bank did pay " durinf the past year" and their raseality in avoiding the payment of taxes. ( is rich. Head and inwardly digest Total, Here we let this matter rest for the present. Perhaps, a sense of shame, if it is not lost to such sensations, may prompt the Statesman to correct some of the gross errors it Iris committed ; and induce it to be a little more careful hereafter how it dabbles with mat ters of which it is so utterly ignorant. The Independent! of Muskingum In Motion! The tullowing call fur a public meeting appeared in the Xanesville Aurora (Locofoco hard) last week. Unlike some of its contemporaries, the Aurora con- eluded that it would not be safe to refuse the call an insertion. The Independents, or anfi-hard money 11 democrats " of Muskingum, muster too strong to be insulted thus with impunity : Dcniocrntic County Meeting The stibrtcrilitTs, Democratic eitixeiis ot Muskingum county, who are opposed to irreppomuble Banking and also tiie lliird Money issue of the Hth of January Con-veulion, respectfully request such of their Democratic fellow cttiieiis of the county as may concur with them in opinion to meet in county meeting at the Court House in Zanesville on T( EMMY THE MGIITII thi Y Of .illtU,, iHUi, the second day of the next Court, to consult together in relation to political af. fairs, and to adopt surh measures as may be thought best in rrlaiion to the future good of the party. Jaines T. Greenland, W. tialhjruer, Patrick Donohue, J. Ilartitjan, James McLean, Jacob Kratzer, Christppher Khremin, John MeCIelland, Jno. R. Bigler, S. Burwell, Michael Kilbride, Win. McCaddon, Wm. Cunningham, Thomas llmds, Theobald Hlemter, Conrad A mar. Bkiiits or W(im;j.-'1 lie New York Herald, in speaking of the movements in several States aud tho growing disposition to abolish the abused and unjust restrictions which the common law imposes upon the the equitable rights of married women, says : In Ohio, the subject has been warmly discussed, and the LegiHlalure have hid under consideration a bill enlarging the powers of married women. We are happy in being able to inform the Herald, that the Legislature of this State, not only had under consideration, hut among many other wise and prop, cr things, promptly pissed a law that meets tho case and amply secures the rights of women in reference to property. CosHErTiri T. An election for Governor, members of Congress, &,c, will be held in Connecticut on Monday next. Tho Temperance question has been dragged into the contest for party purposes. There is not much feeling in the State, bul we hope, notwithstanding, for a favorable result. Correspoiidi'tiee of the Baltimore American. I rora Wellington WAiHitfiToft, MirchiW. The Chairman of the Commitlei? of Ways and Means will, 1 learn, report the Tariff Bill to his Committee on Monday. The Committee will he called up-m to hold early aud daily sessions until the bill it ready for the House. l'he maiorilvgive indications of their determination to take up the Sub-Treasury Bill next week. A Urn is pending lie litre the v.niininttee o (tie hole for the p;iyuieiit of the troops in Texas, and also the volunteers sent to Texas, witli other arrearages, a mouutiii'i to nearly two millions of dollars. Mr. It.uirrnft is anxious to assure the public that ho is not re spoil i tile lor the serrel eittimates sent to Congress, and which have created n murh sen a linn in ihe city for the week past. His letter of tin 14th of January, however, shows tit it he knew entirely the content n of the report and that he was conversant and responsible for all that was proposed. Tim W ATF.tt-ct'iiE Jot n;.u., edited by Dr. 8nr.w and published lemi-monthly in this city, is iraininr wide cireulntinti. In the number for the ore unit week. we find the following account of the linluu nixie of curing r evrrs, copn-d fpm a letter wnten by illiaui Peiin to )r. B iynard of Ktigland : " As I find the Indians upon the continent more incident to fi-vers than almost any other milady, so they rarely fail to cure themselves by great sweating, and inimcuiitely plunging tnemsrlrea into r.old water, which they say is the only way not to catch a cold, I once saw an imtauce of it with divers more in coin. pany. Being upon a discovery of the hack part of tho country, 1 called upon an Indian of note, whose name was Tennoiighan, the captain general of the class of Indians ot luoxe parts. I imind him ill of a fever, Ins bead and limbs much at t it, ted with pmn, and at the same tune his wife preparing a Imgnio for him. The bagnio resembled a large oven, into whirh he erent bv a dour on the one side, while she put several hot stones in at a si tin II door on the oilier side thereof, and then fastened the doors as closely from the aims she could. Now while he was sweatim; in Ins huirmn, his wife According to the odious discrimination hv which I (lor they disdain no service,) was, with an ax.cultini they are taxed only upon their pmtits, their tax tor Ihe uer nusnanu a pasaigi imo inn river, (ixing the win- or oino, On tho proportion to amend the bill making appropriations for thu bt'iieiitof the Indian Tribes, so that no moneys should be paid for fugitive slaves, or us a compensation tot fugitive slaves, under the treaty of January, 115, between the United Slates and the Creek ami Su mi nolo lud.ani, in Committee of the : Whole ilnuiic, February Iri, lri-lU. i Mr. Giihmnhs remarked : That when ho came to the H oiiio he entertained no idea of addressing the committee i but, said he, I desire to call the attention of gentlemen to some points which appear to bo legitimately involved in the presi'tit discussion. The bill provides for the payment of forty thousand dolhirs, under our treaty with the Creeks and Seminole of 1845. That treaty has never been published, and gentlemen are not in formed of its contents. Tho treaty itself is not only kepi from us, but the circumstance! which led to it; the. consideration which the United States have received for the sums which we are called upon to appropriate, are hidden from our view. Under these circumstances, my friend from New York (Mr. Culver) offer his amendment, forbidding the payment of any portion of the money, in consideration of the capture of fugitive slarrst or as a compensation for fwjitice slopes tcho hare been recaptured. Gentlemen havu expressed doubts whether the navnient of tho money stipulated in the treaty was for slaves, or for the cap'ture of slave. If their suspicions be correct, the amendment will be perfectly harm- It can do no injury, in any event. 11 is otterea nrecnutiouarv measure, and tho mover Mays he as satisfactory reasons to believe the payments are intended as a compensation for slaves. No man denies his statements, or professes to dispute the fact he has set forth. But members appear willing to vote away the funds, not because they are informed on the subject, but because they are not informed ; not because they know the appropriation to be proper, but because they are unable to say whether it he right or wrong. It appears to me that we luve arrived ot a new and extraordinary era in the legislation of our country. The Executive demands tin money, and calls on us to grant it ; but withholds from us and from the country all information concerning the objects, or consideration for which it is In be paid out. I say it is withheld ; for the Kxecutive has possession ot the treaty, and of tho correspondence which ihows the circumstances which led to it as well as the consideration on which it is founded. Yet Hiey are to thu member re a ''sealed book. Gentlemen here are as igno rant of them as they are of the decree of the Grand Sultan. The Chairman of the Committee ot Way and Means possesses a copy of tho treaty; but I think I may safely s.iv, that lie never showed it to any member of ibis Home until since this debate commenced. I inn have n cmv. which has been examined by my friend who offered thi amendment, and a colleague, (Mr. Delano,) now confined to his room by indisposition, but who, if hi health had permitted, would hive iivored us with the view which lie entertain oi una mysterious transaction. Willi the exception o the llim. Chairman of the Committee of Way and Means, my friend from New York, (Mr. Culver,) and myself, no member now present everaaw or reau mm cao.iin- tic treaty, to which I intend hereafter to call the attention of the committee. The manner in which 1 obtain ed a copy is of no imp irtanee. hart tt. Il bear date on the 4th January, A. i. ai me rein agency, west of the Mississippi. On the titli February, I.S45, 1 informed thi body that a slave. dealing com-iiirt. nailed a trratr. had been entered into between the United Stales and those Indians. In a speech which ;ido during the discussion of that day, 1 pointed out the circumstance, and related the historical met-; nts which had led to the negotiation ot tins ireniy. then declared, as 1 now emphatically assert, that this treaty was negotiated for the de purpose ot arrang ing difiieiiliies, and satisfying claim arising irom uie nlure of fugitive slaves, and lor the purpose oi pay ing for such slave. On the uth of M irch, the treaty wa approved by the Senate. From the time of it approval to this hour, it has been entombed in the Executive archives, and kept from the view f.f gen-, ilemen who are now called to act o!uially under it. The Executive organ in thi city, to which we look for ! the publication of such important treaties, has never lnnled at lis ratilicalion or exixience. i lie announcement which 1 made in re than a year since, that such a treaty had been negotiated for the purpose ot closing up an old slave-dealing transaction between our uoy ment aud those Indians, attracted but little attention, and the country is now unconscious that such a treaty is in be in if ; and until tlie waning oi ine uni ueion- us, even the metnliers of this House generally were qually uninformed respecting it. ir, wny una e-1 crecy.' vt liy liaa me treaty ueen wiuuieiu num m and from the people ? Why are the circumstances which led to its negotiation kept irmn usr vuy are we not permitted to know the consideration on whirh we are to pay so much money belonging to the people, and which has been entrusted to our care ? V hy are two hundred and nineteen member on this tlmr kepi in profound ignorance on the subject of thi treaty ? An blame can allar n to genuemen iiere nir hoi immn seen it. The responsibility rests with those who have had possession of it, and whose duty il was to publish it, bul wh kept it concealed. This suppression of Ihe treaty, nd the fid connected with it, bespeak its suspicious character in language not to tie misun derstood. Allliouirtl oil two lurmer occasions i nave related most of the circumstances which led to the negotiation of the treaty, yel 1 presume they are recollected by few inemlHT now present, and it seems proper that I should repeat them. On Ihe 7th August, 17'.tlt,the United Stale entered into a treaty with the Creek Indians, hy which tlvy agreni lo Denver up to the officers of th" United Stales such negroes as resided anion them. Th -se nearoea had duruig.and subsequent to, the Revolutionary war, lied from their master in Georgia, and by tins treaty Ihe Federal Government attempted ti recover and return them to their owner. (V ide otli vol. Am. Stale I ap., p. fl ) The Indians failed lo deliver up the negroes, and the treaty of Colcrain wns negotiated iu 17; li. (Vide 5lh Am. Slate Pap., p.ftHi.) At tho time ot entering into thi treaty, the Indi ana renewed their covenant i uenver up uie staves ; and did, at thu time of entering into it, deliver such if them as were residents in what were called the 'uimcr towns.'' (Vide li Am. Stile Pap, p. SJ5I.) Bul many of the mgroe had gone into Florida, and liatl settled and intermarried with the Seminoma. Tin-Creeks could not, therefore, obtain them, and of course were unable to deliver them lo the agent of our Government. (( Am. State ap , p. i-t'4 ) I he planters of Georgia became clamorous for their slaves, and iu lfil the treaty of " Indian Spring" wa negotiated, under the supervision of commissioner ap pointed bv the Executive el Georgia, (ti Am. hlalo Pan., u. 'j'' ) Bv the term of tins treaty, the Indi ans agreed to pay for the slaves, nml left in the hands of our Government two hundred and fifty thnusind lolhirs for that purpose ; allot wlneli wamutneqiienl- ly pudoverlo the Georgia c1.utii.uiH. ( me ht. !-., 1st session titii h Congress.) The Crrek, having thus p lid to our G.iVx'rument at least six times the value of I hew in 'Uiers and children and fathers, now cUimed them ss their properly, believing they hid obtained a giMid title to tl I. Bul the Seminole, beinir con nected Willi Itu'UI HI ail ine relations m uomeinc me, refused todeliver them up a slave. (Ex. Doc, V.7 1, 1st aesVion, 'Jltll Cmgress.) Thu Creeks removed west of the Mississippi ; but thi Seminole dire not lo, fearing that their jieople Would be seixd by Ihe Creek a slave. (Ex. Doc. 'M seas. 'Mh Con ifress.) They were nl length compelled, by tin power of our anus, to abandon their h unes in Klor.da.and riii'.i.uil to bo carried t- tho Indian country in thi' west. S Min as tbey crossed the western hue of Arkansas, they stopped upon lands owned by the Cherokee, and hy the, Creeks of their property." The Jesuitical language made use of is only worthy of the transaction. Thu lerm "property" instead of slaves," iu calculated to deceive the casual reader. But thcBu peoplo were never held or regarded as slaves by the Seminole. They had fled to the He mi nolo country, and had voluntarily settled with them, and become a part of the tribe, and were no more the property of the In dians than the Indians were the property ol Uie negroes: ( Ex. doc. ii7l, 1st sens. J4th Congress;) nor were they at any time claimed as slaves by the Semi nole. 1 deny that any instance can be shown where the Seminole expressed any apprehension that tho Creekn would take from them eit her property or stores, other than those negroe who lived Ruioug them in perfect freedom, but who were claimed by the Creeks as property. It is true that, in some of the documents, they are referred to as negro property," but general ly they are called negroes or slaves, ( hx. doc. 1, Jd sens. '.Titli Cong. ; 71 , I ut sess. UiiU Cong. ) 1 wilt n w call thu attention oi gentlemen to mat portion of the preamble which sets forth the consider ations on which the treaty is based, and tho objects for winch it was entered into. 11 u in the following words : " N.w, therefore, in order to reconcile all difficulties respecting location and jurisdiction, to settle all disputed questions which have arisen or may hcrcaf. ter arise in regard to right of property, and especially to preserve Ihe peace of the frontier, seriously endangered by tho restless and warlike spirit of the intruding Seminole, thu parties to thi treaty have agreed to the following stipulations." The first consideration moving the Government of these United Slates to enter into tii is treaty is to " reconcile all dijjtcuitici respecting location and jurisdiction."In pursuance of this connideratton the treaty pro. vides, in the two first articles, as follow : Auric i. K 1. The Creek ugree that the Seminole uliall be entitled to settle in a body, or separately, a they please, iu any part of ihe Creek country ; that they shall make their own town regulations, subject, however, to the general control of the Creek council, in which they shall be represented ; and, in short, that no distinction shall be made between the two tribes, in any respect except in the management of their pe-cun ary affairs, in which neither shall interfere with the other. "Ahmclk II. The Seminole agree, that those of their tribe who have nut done bo be lure the ratification of this treaty, shall immediately thereafter remove to and permanently settle in thu Creek country." These two articles fully "reconcile all difficulties respecting location," by phieing the Seminole within the Creek territory, to which they agree to remove immediately, and to settle permanently therein. It re-conciles all questions of jurisdiction, by giving the Scminolcs power to make their own town regulation subject to the Creek council." The committee will bear in mind, that the sole reasons why the Semi, nole did not go to the Creek country, in the first instance, was the dread of placing these people, some of whom were their wive and children, within tho jurisdiction of the Creeks. These circumstance arose solely from thu t'uet, thatour government had extorted the money from the Creek to pay to the slaveholders of Georgia. And now, to correct this slavcdealmg error of the Government, the bill be lure us grants twenty-six thousand dollar for the removal of the Seminole to the Creek country, and for supporting them six mouths alter their removal. But, it may bo asked, why should our Government interfere.' Why not let the Indian arrange their own dillirullies ? 1 answer, the difficulty was brought about by the interference ot our Government in behalf of slavery ; and if hostilities had arisen from it, our nation would havu been still more disgraced than it now is. To save thi slavc-mongcring administration from further disgrace, our constituent are compelled to pay this item of twenty-six thousand dollar. The second considera tion set forth in tho preamble is, " To settle all disputed uueslious if Airi hare arisen, or may hereafter arise, in regard to the rights of property." This was the great and principal object ef the treaty, and is provided tor in the third article which readj as follows : ' It is mutually agreed by thu Creeks and Semi. nob s that all contested case between the two tribes, concerning ttie right o properly, growing nutot sales of transactions that may hive occurred previous to the ratilicalion ot this treaty, shall Ue sunject to the decision of the President of the United States." If gentlemen will re ter lo the National Intelligen cer of the latter part of January, 1-45, they will find it slated, on the authority of an odicer from the Indian country, that an arrangement of great importance had iH-en made with the Creeks and Semiuoies, by wh:ch all trials involving the right crowing out of sales or transactions which had occurred prior to tho arrangement should be decided by the rresiueut. And the writer adds: " fhistsan important claim, and carers a di i.icatb (ttorio. lite .Viinr objected hirrtojure to earning under the Creek gorernnirntt left they should he tnottsted in their NKono I'HopMtrr, and tcere fearful of the. administration of Creek taws, .ill unsettled question Aimi r Tim titi.i:b to sr.onoi:s in pOKiCMStun af the .Seoii notes, prrrious to the ratification of this treaty, trill lie settled by the I' resident." All aU I nmon to the originaal caiue of tins difficulty wa avoided, but ihe material facts to which 1 have adverted are hiuti'd at ; and all cavil as to the use of the word property may be set at rest by relt rring to tie) paper of that date. The 1'resident of this great and free Kepublic is to sit as arbitrator between these savages, and is to decide who shall have the body of thi mother, and to whom tint child shall belong ; tha. the futlier slnll be this min i slave, and the wile shall he delivered to that master. Sir, the uubii-ct is most re volttng to the feelings of humanity, Hut I feel humbled when I reflect, that I lie people of our free Stale are lo furnish the funds for this slave-dealing transaction ; and tint Northern Itepresentative are, by their votes, to involve our people in thu degradation. By re tc re lie to the sixth article of this treaty, it will ho seen that we are to pay to tin Semmolen nine, ly thousand four hundred dollars, in addition to the hvonty-six thousand for their removal and subsistence. This is Ihe compensation wlrch they arc to receive f ir delivering up such of their enpi a the 1'res.dent shall direct to be held a slaves by the Creeks. But il was evidently expected that about one-half would remain with the Semiuoies; and would, then-fore, bo lost to Ihe Creeks, for the Creeks regard them as their property. For these, too, we are lo piy the Creek one hundred and twenty thousiml u dljrs; unking, iu all. two hundred and ten thousand four hundred dollars which we are to pay for these sUves, according to the treaty, but which will be cut oil it we carry out the principles of the proposed amendment. And now the question is distinctly before us. Will we th ru it our hand into the pocket of our constituents, and lak this money, and pass it over to a slave, dealing ('resident, to be expended in paying for the bodies of hu.baitds, wives and children i Are the Hep. resentalive from the free Sute prepared to enter into this business of huckstering in human flesh Shall we involve our constituent in th' deep and damning crime of trading in Ihe image of our God ? Our votes mint answer these questions, l'he third consideration mentioned in the preamble of the treaty i M to prr$rrre th peaee of the frontier." Hut the people will ask, how cnnie the jwuee of the frontier in danger 1 answer, il beram endangered by these slave-dealing transactions. These people were living with the Seminole. Dor Government, iu violation of Ihe Constitution, in deft nice of justice and of humanity, put forth its iulluence to force them back into slivery. I'u iMe to do that, we compelled tho Creeks to pty ir Ihem; and these barbarous Indians, believing tint a title thus derived from aChristtan nation must be valid, claimed them as sltves, and determined to have possession of them ; while the Semiuoies aud negroes were determined to resist thu de- ..I TI..... in tli.. tv...,.l- ..fll... ,,..I.L. tl.. ... the people of the free States, or upon Congress, to aid them iu sustaining it ; for us Mr. Clay most distinctly and emphatically declares, "CoKimrss has no row-Kit or AUTHORITY OVF.lt TIIK INSTITUTIOK Ot SLAVERY." I'o appropriate the money proposed in thi bill to pay for these slaves, will be as clearly a violation of our federal compact, as it would be for us to abolish slavery in Georgia, or establish it in Massachusetts. If this Government possesses the power to deal in slaves, we may establish a slave market iu Boston, or in New York, and set up business, on Government account, at any other point we please. It we possess ttie power to tax the people of the free States, to the amount of two hundred thousand dollur, to be expended in the payment of slaves, a contemplated by this treaty, we may tax them two hundred millions fur the same purpose. The question before us is one of principle, and not of amount. I have quoted the language of Mr. Clay, a slaveholding Whig, and I desire to see how many of our Whig friend will stand by the doctrine which he ha laid down. But I wish to go a little further into the detail of our constitutional right in respect to fugitive slaves. And aa I notice able constitutional lawyers and statesmen from the South, who are now listening to me, I moat respectfully request them to correct any error in regard to Ihe constitutional rights of the slave, or of the master, or of the people of the slave States, or those of the freu States, into which I may fall ; for it is an important subject, and one which should bo well understood by every statesman. By the laws of Virginia, and perhaps, of all the slave States, if a slave run from his master, or from a constable, alter being ordered to slop, the master or hi agent, or the constable, may Bhoot him; or if the master, hi ugeut, ur a constable, arrest a fugitive slave, and such slave raises his hand against the person arresting him, such person may at once kill the fugitive iu any manner he please. This law is in force in Virginia. But when the sluve crosses the river, and set hi foot on Ohio soil, he i beyond the reach of Virginia laws. He then regains all'hi natural rights, particularly the right of self-defence, of which he wan deprived while iu Virginia. The law of our State, then, throw their protection around him. By Ihe Constitution of the United Slates, the master may pursue and arrest hi slave in a free State, und take him back from whence he fled. In doing tlut, he may use the same force that our o dicers are permitted to use in arresting criminal ; but he must go no farther. If he shoots or kill the slave on Ohio soil, we shall hang him as we would any other murderer. Our jieople, under the Constitution, and under the law of are prohibitedfirst, from protecting the slave against an arrest hy the master; secondly, from concealing the slave from the master; nml, thirdly, from rescuing the slave after hi arrest. If we do either of these acts, we violate our constitutional coinnact. Our duties in regard to fugitive slave are the Maine a our other obligations towards the institution ; they arc to lot them alone not to interfere between master and slave. " Hands off" is the doctrine of the Constitution, and the motto of every supporter of that instrument. Our duties are entirely wnattee, lhero u no obligation resting upon us ; nor is there any power in Congress to compel us to act in the matter. In re card to urrcslinif lavea, we owe no duties to the master; on the contrary, ull our sympathies, our feelings, and our mora duties, beyond what I have stated, are with the slave. We will neither arrest him for the master, nor will we assist the master in making such arrest. 1 am aware that the third clause of the second section of the first article of the Constitution wa once believed, by some, to impose upon the people of the free Slate the duty of arresting fugitive laves. Jlut it is now judicially settled that no such obligation rests up'in us. Indeed, a proposition to impose upon us such a duty, at the time of framing the Constitution, was rejected, without a division, by the Convention. We, therefore, leave the master to arrest the slave if he can ; and wo leave tho sluve to lielcnd liimseif against the master il he can. We do not interfere between the in. The slave possesses as terfect a right to defend his person and his liberty a"amt the master as nuy citizen of our State. Our 1-iws protect hnn against every other person except the master or his ajfent, but they leave htm to protect himself against them. If he, while defending himself, sliy the master, our law do not interfere to punish him in any way, further than lhc would any other person who should slay a man in actual self-defence. The laws of the slave State cannot reach him, nor is there any law, of Cod or man that condems him. On the contrary, our reason, our judgment, our humanity approves the net; and we admire tho courage and firmness with which he defends the ' inalienable rights with which the God of nature haa endowed him." We regard him a a hero worthy of imitation ; and we place hi naiiw in tho aine category with that of Madison Washington, w ho, on board the Creole, hold, ly maintained his God-given rights against those inhuman pirate who were currying hint and his fellow- servants to a worse than savage slave.market. Yet Ihe bill before u is intended to compel us to pay the money of our eotisiituent to those who, in defence of terminable bondugo. The cause of complaint which brought about the Ho volution bore no proportion to tho outrages heaped upon the free Stnlea of this Union by the Federal Government, during the last twelve months. Our fathers did not hesitate to appeiil to the God of batllea against such insults ; we hesitate, fuller, and quietly submit to every ind'gnity. We eem to have forgotten their devotion to the caue of free-dom. Their illustrious example are lost upon us. The memory of the mighty dead culls forth no spirit of emulation from us. This treaty, arraigning an old slave-holding transaction at the expense our people, is now urged as the basis of this appropriation. Geiillemen are colled to act under thu treaty without hiving seen it, and without knowing it contents, except ui they have been devel-oped during this discussion. We must comply with this extraordinary demand of the Executive, and make the appropriation, or we must reject it. Our voles will be entered upon the record, and pass down to posterity as evidence of the sentiments which iruidu uh. The eye of the peoplo of the free States ure upon us, and i rejoice uiai mey are now watching our movements with an intensity never before witnessed. Our votes on this, and on ull oilier question touching slavery, . will go, for examination, before those who sent us here. They expect each of u to define his position clearly on this subject. They desire to eu how and i where we stand on these questions of Northern rurhts. I Our constituents are beginning to think the name of liberty can be of but little use, if their interest, their moral purity, and their honor are to be tamely surren dered to slaveholding arrogance. 1 nut aware Hint Home of our Whig friends think if we take clear and I diHtinct ground iu favor of our constitutional rights, we shall thereby drive our Southern friend from u. If that be so, we had surely better separate from them, iniin to surrender up ine ionstiiution, and our own rights under it. We connot afford to purchase their co-operation at so high a price. If our Southern friend uuuol meet u upon the line ot the Constitution, we cannot act with them. God forbid that we should sur render Northern rights and Northern honor, to pur chase Southern votes. But I entertain too hiifh an opinion of our Southern friend to believe they will desert us and the Constitution becauso we refuse to surrender our rights to the slave power. Mr. Clay wa a slaveholder iu 1J4, when he declared, that 11 Cougrtrs possessed no powers in relation to domestic slavery." If our Southern wings will stand by this doctrine, we can act together. Wo ask them to go no further. Let ua refuse lo exert our power either to uphold or abolish slavery. In short, sir, let us refuse to exert a power which we do not possess, Thi i the doctrine on which the ulo-rious triumph in Ohio wa principally based in lei 14 ; nnd tho still more glorious triumph of I." If), It was on thi docriuo that tho Whigs of my district put forth such efforts in that campaign, as to win from the fair ladies of Kentucky a gorgeous banner, as a token of their approval." Sir, this proud distinction was not conferred upon u in consequence of having servilely submitted to slaveholding dictation. No, sir; distin guished ns the strongest tug district in the United States, and entirely diaxenting from those who have felt it their duly to organize a separate political anti-slavery parly, the people of iny dintrict have long watched, with unceasing vigilance, every attempt to involve them in the crimes of the South. We shall continue to resiat every effort of the kind, notwithstanding the cant of hypocrites, the whining of douyh-fuccs, and the supercilious denunciations of slavehold ers. Ihe arrogant complaints about " agitating tin question," to winch we have so often liittencd in thi Hall, are now understood. Aud I say to Southern geiillemen, erase to urge us to Inrvme partakers in your guilt, and wo will cease to agitate the question of1 slavery. Cease your attempts to violate our right, nnd we shall of course cease to resist such attempt. Tho agitation is with you ; for I will take this occasion to declare, that during the nine years which 1 have held a seat in this Hull, 1 have never called up this subject, except in defending the rights of my people. The war which I have waged ha been entirely a defensive war. But, to return to the tsaiif of supporting the constitutional riifhls of all the States, nnd resisting erery attempt to inrolre the people of the free States in the support of slncery. This is now, and must be, the great and principal political issue in the free States. Tho time for preventing it has gone by forever. It is use-less for servile editor and trembling politicians to complain. There i a feeling nroused on thi subject among the freemen of the North, which cannot Ion uer be stite'd. It is daily ureadina( and deepenmir. and extending, and must inevitably overwhelm those who shall attempt to stop its progress, I he descendant of the Pilgrims will not much longer remain subservient to the slave power. If we shall hereafter be found faltering and timid in our support of Northern rights, I do not hesitate to sty that the day of our overthrow will then be near. The sturdy yeomanry of the North will not much longer sulfi r themselves to be made the instruments for supporting a commerce in lh l.rwl.,.a nf nmm.m J fn l.n rt-r.i. n in olnlilroii the law ol eternal lu.tice, ln-ve se.xed the panting : Thi,y wj, ,oon to (lllitp with 8mithl.rn tuvc. fuif.t.ve,nd doomedhimtoaLte f servitude. I ldders in plundering cradles, and in tearing children Had our Government entered into a treaty with fri)m t((,ir ,rim(1!). M t , , lhtf illvt, lmrkltU those Indians, and agreed to pay Ihem two hundred if (, Hol,lh T, W1, ,.Iluld vxompUnn ttitm such unutterable disgrace such ignominous guilt. I refused to go to thcountry nmigued to Ihem, ns it wns of the frontier Wrame " seriously endangered." Tho nasi venr would amount to (our thousand and twenty. seren dollars and seventy-four cents. Now, i any one deluded aulltciently to Wie-re that the banks have contributed even that pitiful sum, toward the twelve hundred thousand of whirh our Slate i annually drained to pay the interest on a debt, for which the tax payer themselves havo received, comparatively, no bv ne fit.' In tho name of tax convention and Stale slocks, what hare they paid? Turn to the aforesaid report of Perkins and Coomba, and it will he found that lliey have judged trpedient ' to contribute, in the ahape of taxes, the eanrmnusmm of TWENTY DOLLARS AND SIXTY CENTS!!! We have not inquired into the extraordinary cause which must have iutliienced them lo pay tin heavy amount of laxea; tut this lum they have certainly paid, aud not a cent more. ' In the first place it may be well enough In inform thi profound financier that Instead of being in operation during (As past year" nearly nil of these branches of the State Bank to which he alludes, went into operation but short time before Xorembrr last, when by Ihe new Uw they mado a dividend. The MUli section of the bank law, require the banks to mk se mi -annual dividend on the first Monday in May and November. The 60th aection of the law my that they shall, at the period thus designated et off to the State six per cent, of the profit accruing during tho "ix months nut preceding." A strict construction of this section would have exempted the new ter of HKt, the great frost, and the ice very thick,) tn order to the immersing himself after he should come out of tho bath. In less than halt an hour ho wo iu o great a ent, that when he enmo nut ho wa a wet a if he had come out of a river, nnd the reek or steam of hi body so thick that it was hard to discern anybody's face that slow! near htm, In tin condition, stark naked, a body cloth only excepted, he ran to the river, which wa about twenty pice, nnd ducked himself twice or thrice therein, and no returned, passing only through hi bagnio, lo mitigate the im-mrdioie stroke of the cold, lo In own lumse, per hips Jd paces firther, and wrapping himself iu his woolen mantle, liy down at hi length near a long but gentle fire, in the middle of his wigwam or hou-e, turning himself several times till he was diy, and then rose and fell to gelling us our dinner, seeming to be as easy and a well in health m nl any oilier tune. " I am well assured that the Indians wash their in. faut in cold water as soon aa born, in all season of thu year." M tn IUm tk to Oftrnox. The Committee on the Post Oillee and Post Hod in the Seunte of the United States has reported in favor of establishing a mail route lo the Oregon territory. The American population in Oregon is estimated at ten thousand ; of tho number e. nployed in the service of the Hudson' Bay Company we have no estimate. It is believed lo he duo to Ihe ten thousand Americana m Oregon that they should have the facilities of communication and correspondence with their friend aud relative on tins aide of the lloeky Mountain, under the jurisdiction of the Creeks, an. I tbey would be conic subject lo Creek laws, if thev entered it. The Cherokee were attended in consequence of th" intrusion of the Seminole. And if gt nllemen will refer to the National lu'ellinencor of about the 7ih January, IM.they will find thil it mpiin-d all Ihe inline noc of tie Executive to prevent honttlities between those Indian. These dnVieulties continued during four or five years next previous to the making of this treaty. The cause of the diluViiity wns not published through the papers, but may be learned from the cor-respondents on file in the bureau of Indian Atl'iirs. At limes the excitement was so great as seriously to threaten the pence of the frontier, ns is net forth in the preamble lo the treaty which I shall soon rend to the committee; " abundnnily luntuleHled by- letter and report in the W-ir Department. These dillicnllies nrone entirely in eoimequenee of our nt-tempf to return the fugitive slave uf Georgia. The.ie ure tho circumstance which h'd to the treaty. The transaction, from beginning to end, in its generals nnd in its details, was a slave-dealing biuines, disgraceful danjier was a necessary consequent of the slaveealcle ing effort of our government, lo which 1 have alluded. Thu every consideration set forth in Ihe preamble of thi treaty is connected with, nnd forms a part of, the history ot these attempt of our Government lo uphold und suV.ain the shivery of the South, Mr. Chairman. 1 have now done with the fiets. If I have, in any respect, faded to state them fairly, a tuey exist, i win iniun toe cooirniin oi uir lonimtt-tee of Way and Means, ( Mr. McKay,) tneorrectnuy error into which he limy nitposc me tn have fiilleii, and fr that purH'se I will gladly yield tn him the lioor. Mr. Giddtugs, a Uer n short pause, resumed. I referred lo the able gentleman at the head of the financial committee, for the reason that he reported the bill befeie ns, and is found fully to understand the fuel connerled with thi subject. He in, nlsn, the only member who has had nn opportunity of fully examining this Irenty ; but n he reuinius mlent under my apK-al, 1 will feel under deep obligation lo any other member who will point out any error whatever in the re lation 1 have given. .Mr. tiiddings again paused, and to those who managed it, and disputable t) the go- ,,. f,,,,,, . f (j.-ntleinen Will examine the docu. vormneiil who auilior red nnd Approved il. These circumstance are briefly referred loin Ihe following portion of the preamble to the treaty, lo wit : 11 Whereas, many of the Scminolcs h ive nettled and are now living in the (.'reek country, while others, constituting a large portion of the tribe, have refused to make their home in any part thereof, assigning ns a re son that they ure unw.lluig to submit to Creek laws nnd eoverninent, and that they are nonreheimivc ot being d-prived by the Creek authorities of their properly : "And whereas reiieatrd complaint having been made to the Untied Slate Government, that those ot the Seminole who refuse to go into the Creek country have, without authority or right, nettled upon land wcu n'd lo other tribes, ami that they have committed numerous and extensive depredations upon the prop erty ot those upon whose lands they have, intruded. I desire to call particular attention to that portion of tho premable wlneh recites, that "a large portion of the tribe have refused lo make their homes iu any part of the Creek country, assigning as a reanm that they are unwilling ta suhmtt to th Creek lows nnd gorern-men'.; and that they are apprthtnsiet of bring deprtctd ments to which 1 have referred, aud thceorreMiudeneo in the Department of War, they will find many other interesting lael,lo which 1 have not lime to reier, but which show Ihe untiring ell oris of this nation to up hold this tnsinuiion oi slavery, su detenu d by all civilised and Christian eoplo. Before 1 proceed further on thin point, I desire to any. that every attempt of lh Government to sustain the slavery of Ihe South, either by the recapture of fugi tive slave, or otherwise, i a direct violation of our Constitution, an encroachment upon the rights of the free Slates, an ollWiec against the lawn of God.nud an outrnge upon humsmtv. 1 have no time now to go into an eiteuded exniiuualion of the subject. An em inent statesman of our own tunes f Henry Clay has declared, that " the existence, the maintenance, and eon tinuanre af domestic, tlnrcry depends tielusirely tfron th powsr and aathoritif af the Suites in which it exists." I his, sir, i tlie doctrine ot tlm i nnslitution. It tl Whig doctrine, and the only line Whig doctrine, AgieeaU) lo it, I any "the existence of slavery in Georgia depended entirely upon tho power anil authority of that State," If her people eon Id not support it, let it cease. They had no right to call upon thousand dollars for assisting the slaves of Georgia tn escape from bondage, we should, all of us, have pronounced such a treaty uncmntitutional, and I do not Ikdieve that a member of this body would Tavo voted to appropriate a single dollar iu pursuance of it. Yet the unconstitutionality of such a treaty would have been no more pulpable than i that of the treaty before u. It is a perfectly clear proposition, that if the Gov. eminent have powi.r to restore slaves, they have the same power to en'.ico them away; and if they have power to pay out the money of the people for one purpose they have equal power to pay it out for the other. But I wa examining the right ol our people in regard to fugitive slaves. When a slave enters our State, we regard him asapcrfmi, ar.d not as properly. Under our laws he may sue or lie sued he may lie re. wanted for his virtuous deedii, nnd lie punished for hi crime. Indeed, ho enjoy al! the right which others possess, except that ! is liable lo be seixed by In insider, and carried bnek into slavery. Wo may feed, clothe nnd lodge him, knowing him to be a slave. We may teach him bis rights, show him the road to Canada, nnd furnish him with th' means to get there. We may furnish him with the mernsof defending himself, in the same manner that we may furnish others with wen ions. In short, we treat him iu all respects a we do other person, except defending hnn agninst his master, or secreting him. I re tent that I am most happy in seeing able lawvrs and statesman from the So mil now before rue. They must feel a deep interest on tho nbjecl, and if they deny any position which I have laid down, I call upon them to correct me. Thi is the plaeu where) these gravo matters should be discussed." Let it be done before Ihe House, nnd before Ihe- country. Iet truth bo sent forth to the people of the nation, and let them lie cor. rectly informed on a matter o vital to both sections of the Union. I certainly can have no object in the maintenance of error, and hope 1 may bo set right if any lavehoding niemlier shall believe me wrong on these points. 1 mike these remarks in or er that they may go lorth to assist our people in forming correct opinion of their right on this subject, so important inhumanity, ihe moral lechnga ut our people a correct. Were they not restrained by the Constitu tion, they would be a anxious In hang the mun who catehe a slave in our free Slate, a they would to hang liiui who goes to Africa and commit the ame crime. They believe the turpitude of seizing a slave in Ohio, and taking htm liack In interminable bondage, to be a great a it i to seixe the nme man in Africa and bring him into slavery. (Mr. McDowell, of Ohio, inquired of Mr. Guiding, if he, as a lawyer, had not counselled master in regard to obtaining their fugitive lave. Mr. Giddings- Never; n, nrrrr. Why, sir, you cannot induce a alave-cateher to come into thai eivdixed and Christian portion of the State where 1 reside. You might a easly induce a Hottentot to enter a Church. Whilst these are the right secured to us under the Constitution, we have annually for the Inst twenty years, made appropriations from the public treasury to pay for the capture of fitgitivo slaves; and representatives from Ihe free State regularly vote for them without oiiiectmn. Itoldintf thu clear and indmpiiia-, hie right nf being exempt from the expense of slavery, the people of the free States, within the last ten year, have probably paid more than thirty millions of dollar fur its support. rroclaiiiiiiiff lo Uie world, thai we are itie true lov ers of freedom, we lend our political and moral influ ence lo hold three million of Native American in Ihe moat degrading slavery. Calling ourselves a Christian people, we deny to one-sixth part of our population the word of eternal life; and uhfct the in to Ihe unbridled lust and passion of harbarou masters and overseer, by whom they ar often compelled to submit to the miml brutal indignities, and even to death itself. Yet but few of our members stand forth to ex-pone and denounce Huso hcavi-n-darmg iniquities. We sit here with folded arms, apparently indifferent to the outrages commuted by Government, and are ouiselvc often made the unresisting itedrninciits ot our own dishonor. Thus, iu the case before us, a nlave-dealing President having negotiated this treaty, and Ihe Senate hnvnur nnnroved it, we are called on lo ap- propnale the money of our people lo perfect thi insult to northern honor ; and gentlemen, representing nnrlh- rn ireemen, win vote ior tins miui rnum iiiimi i un-miratre. We lure lilely seen the Unum, formed bv our lathers, give place lo n new and unnatural entiled- eraey, based upon tlie policy oi mtmmusi silvery deirradiiiff our roust ittictita to the level of Tcan slave; and we, the descendants of the nilgrim fathers, inn In riouslv ubmil lo the insult. Where in the spirit ex Inbited by our illustrious ancestor They would not submit to a comparatively nominal lax upon tea we, their descendant, vote to tat ourselves and constituents, for the purpese of seining the panting fuUilive ai he Hie from oppression, and dragging him bat k to in itial be Dcrinittcd tosav that surh is the tt' his doctrine. or i have studied Whig principle to little purpose. Our people regard no man as a Whig who lacks Ihe moral or oliIical firmness to maintain the Constitu. tion, and the rights which the free Stnten hold under it. We are all aware that a most exciting canvass is now going on in New Hampshire. The people of that State are arousing to the conflict. Thi que.; tion of subserviency to the slave power ha called into action the political energies of her people. Suppression of the right of petition, and of debate in tin hall the support of the slave trnde in thi District, and on our Southern const the Florida war, and the Texas outragehave led the elector of that State to believe that they have reached the point where forbearance censes to be a virtue. They are now arraying the past sins of their public servant nn Ihi subject before the elector, and appear determined to hold their represen tative hereafter to a ainclaccount on liu point, I In tale nf things ha been precipitated upon the people by attempt of tho late dominant parly of that State Ut ostracise a inemU-r of the Itst Cong re, for the reason that he possessed sufficient honesty and independence to oppose the greatest out ra ire ever inflicted upon the Ireemen ol ihe north, ihi servility to Southern dictation is well calculated to call forth the indignant feelings nf every elector who ha regard for the honor of hi State, the rights of her people, or the Constitution of our country. May (tod end them a safe deliverance front all "servile" and doughfaces.' There is also a vacancy in Ihe delegation from Massachusetts. Why is not the old Bay State fully represented on thi floor f It ia because the former member of the vacant district voted to admit Texas slaveholder to tin hall, tn enact law to control the liber-tylovmg descendant of the 1'iljfrim father. He, sir, wa willing lo involve ihem in the support of an institution which they execrate and abhor; and they now discard him who thu sacrificed their interest and their honor. I will put another solemn question to the Democrat now present. Where are the four Be-present lives from Connecticut, who, in the Inst Congress, declared by their votes that the owner of fivo slaves in Texas was worthy to exert the same political power in thi nalion as four of the free, intelligent elector nf that patriotic. Stale t I ny, where are they ? And echo answers, where. Sir, the voice of a patriotic people ha pronounced them unworthy to represent free principles; and they have cut Ihem otT, and sent other servant here, who, 1 irust, will prove more worthy of thnt ancient State. If we look at New York, wcvhall find that this subject i occupying the attention of her people lUo. One of the leading pnrtie of that Stale has taken il poai-tion in favor of oppression, of Texan, and of perpetual slavery. The other ha espoused Ihe cause of Ihe Con-stiiution of ihose self-evident truths " on which our Government is founded, and which declare the equality of man's political rights. It is true that some of our friend ap;ier to hesitate and tremble in view of the progrcs of free principle. But if truth be mil-n i potent, wo cannot doubt the result. I desire, also, to say a word in regard to my own State, t his ques tion or tin maintenance or our right lo be exempt from the crimes and the disgrace of slavery, as 1 have already remarked, greatly contributed In our triumph in 1H44 and H4.". Texas and perpetual slavery have, thus far, proved a millstone around the necks of our opponent. The parties nro mrain in the field, pre paring for the oonllict. 1 he Democratic parly have selected for their standard bearer a man who, to use his own language, goe against these principles "fiat fatted ' one who, in 1S44, went, and still iroe, for leans and eternal slavery. Mr, Sawyer of Ohio", desired to ask hi colleague (Mr. Giddiugs when the Democratic candidate for Governor made the declaration imputed lo him. Mr. Giddmg replied : In iKh, while a member of the Senate of Ohio. He then reported the famous bill, which mnde our people generally the cntehtoes fr Southern slaveholders. It was reported under (be dictation of a slaveholding embassy from a s;ster State. I have long known Mr. lutl, and I know he is regarded a arrant a doughface a ever trembled In-fore the frown of a slaveholder. On the oilier hand the Whig have e lee. led a man with whom I have not the honor of a personal nequnintnnee, but who, I nin informed, draw Uie constitutional line nl demarcation between our people of Ihe free State nnd slnvery with such accuracy, nnd place it in such p.ilpnblo tight before hi hearers, (lint nil can see and understand it. Tnkmg his poiitiou upon tins line, lie says lo the "peculiar institutions," uThu far shall thou eonie, and here halt thy proud waves be stayed." 1 am lold thai he will never surrender our rights to the supcrcilliou arrogance of the South, nor to the trembling poltroonery of the North. The day of trial, too, for those of my colleagues who sliall be candidate for re-election will come at the same time of our gubernatorial election. I am desirous that the vote on this bill shall show to Ihe people of our State which of us are willing to tax them for the purpose of catching fugitive slaves, and which of u oppose such insult to Uie freemen of our State. f Mr. Sawyer, of Ohio, desired to sav, thnt if he were acquainted with the facts which his colleague, Mr. Uid-dings, hnd stated, he would not vote for the bill, but ns Mr. Giddiugs had not exhibited the document, he should feel bound to vote for tho appropriation. Mr. Giddiugs resumed. Mr. Chairman, 1 feel mortified and humbled. A Representative from my own gallant State rises in thi Hall and declares himself ready to vote for this anpronriatiun. not becauso he. knows it to be proper, bul because hedvn't know whether it be. right or wrong. Not because he is acquit in ted with the facts, but because ho is ignorant of them. Sir, 1 had supposed thnt statesmen acted from knowl- dge, nnd not Irom the want ot it. I.Mr. McDowell, of Ohio, said that he hnd looked at the treaty, and that did not mention stares, but spoke of property. That he therefore hnd no eviduueo oei ore nun that tho term property meant staves.') Mr. Giddiugs resumed. It was the duty of mycol-lenjMie to understand these facts before he came lo this Hall. If he will look at the documents to which I hnve referred, he will find, that in them the term 'lores is used instead of property. I sin allowed but an hour to speak, and it will require several hours to read the documents, without speaking, ft would, therefore, have been useless for me to bring documents to this Hall. But my colleague was bound to understand them, and his ignorance can be no legitimate excuse for involving his constituent in the expense and disgrace of paying for fugitive slave. In ludi. ana I am told that two member of the last Congress, who were candidate for re-election, were defeated, because their constituents thought they had not met Southern ncgressions with sufficient promptitude, Mr. Cut 1 1 cart said ho wa successor of one of the gentlemen alluded to, and that hi opponent was not defeated nn account of his yielding to the demands of the South, but because he had acted upon the principle laid down by the gentleman from Ohio, Mr. Gid. dings. Mr. Giddings resumed. 1 may hare been misinformed ; but if tho people of the gentleman's district desire lo pay their money to catch Southern negroe ; if they wished to share in the crime of ilave-truding, i win not now dispu'e their right to do o. Let them speak their sentiment; if they prefer slavery lo lib- rty, let us know it. But I referred to this fact mere ly aa an evidence to show that this question was entering into tho elections in nearly all of the free Stales ; and, judging of the future by the past, the day is not far distant when it will control tho elections of the nation. I prophecy that it will decide the Presidential election of 1H48, and thai a majority of the me in tiers oi tins Mouse in the l lurty-f irst vongren will be elected with reference lo this subject. Tho Texas iniquity is just In-ginning to bo realized. As the people shall hereafter witness Ihe effects of that outrage, their indignation will increase, until all who hnve aided in th a unpardonable political sin shall be hurled from the hih places of tho nation. Mr. Giddiugs here took his seat. Mr. McKay, of North Carolina, answered Mr. Gid diugs, and contended 1st. 1 hat, as the treaty had stipulated for the pay ment of the money, it was tlie duty of Congress to ap propriate it. yd. 1 hat, as the Indians were regarded as tlie ward of the Government, and were poor and ignorant, they ought to have the money, as it was to be expended for the purposes of education. io which Mr. Itiddinea replied: That thi eentle- tnnn from North Carolina had denied no fact, nor had he disputed any constitutional doctrine which had been advanced. All that 1 have advocated (said Mr. G ) seems lo be admitted. But the gentleman say we nuIit to make the appropriation, because the Presi dent and Senate have agreed by thu treaty thai wo should do it. rfir, were we sent here to carry out the Executive will? I trust not. We are each sworn to support the Constitution ; and if wo violate our oath, it will constitute but a poor excuse for us to say, that the President and Senate desired us tn do it. We are not machine, to be moved at Ihe Executive will. We do not march, and countermarch, and face to the right and to the left, nnd lo the right-about, at the Executive word of command. The appropriation of money is peculiarly within our province, and in doing it wo should act a independent as the Executive or the Senate do in their station. Suppose the Executive and Senate should make a treaty with Spain, or some other power, lint the people of Ohio should be delivered uptoilieui as slaves would we be bound by such treaty ? Wo should be as solemnly bound by it as we are by the treaty which takes our money to buy slaves. But the gentleman lay great stress upon the fact that Ihe Indians arc poor, and ienorant, and barbarous. I admit that Ihey are ignorant and barbarous. But ignorant ind barboroua a they are, if they are so destitute of decency and humanity as to undertake to catch and return fugitive slaves, I would hang them instead of paying Ihem money. They ought surely hy this lime to have been so far christianitcd aa not to commit such barbarous deeds. (Mr. Houston, of Alabama, objected to Mr. Giddiugs sjicaking any further, as he hnd already spoken once on the bill; and the chairman, Mr. Bowlin, of Missouri, decided that Mr. G. could not proceed. ) From the Boston Courier. Othello in Congress, OHTHR AfOSTnorilS lAUI&QBIVOIlOt'l. Most potent, grave and reverend Representatives, My very noble and approved porkouian, Tint I have gobbled up this greasy sausage It is most true. True 1 have bolted it. And wiped my chops with sn old newspaper. The very stretch and grin of my voracity Hath tins extent no more. Rude are my jaws, And little graced with niceties of slobbering, Kor since these gum of mine hid seven years' teeth, I ill now some nine moon wasted, they have used Their keenest action upon head and pluck. And little of Uie whole hog can I squeak .More than pertains lo teats ot broiled whisker, And therefore leanly have I greased my grinder In munching for myself. Yet by my patience 1 will around, unvarnished tail deliver Of my whole course of pig ; what tripes, what trotters, What big black pudding ana what mighty sausage iEor ancb a pork feeding I am charged withal,) gormandized in greasy dignity. Sweet piggy loved me oft delighted me, And piggish wa the story of my life, From year lo year, the nibbles, bites and ehumpinjr ! 1 greased it through, even by my boyish day To the very moment when you caught me at it. And 1 can speak of the most slippery lardings, Of moving accidents by skewer and gridiron, M hair hrcilh scapes enough to singe your bristles, When squealing gruuters died en point of fox. Of peril in smoke-house and dripping-pan, Of being baked in the insolent dough, In pot-pie slnvery. Of my minting since, And tit bits in my Congress history, Wherein of antics vast and speeches idle, Fmticulf, fudge, and fib whose heads touch heaven, Twus my bad luck to hear : such wa the gnminou Of swaggering cannibal that each other eat The Antliro pujfogi the men whose tongue Are broader than their shoulders mighty bore. Yet, still the House Rll'airs " kept me from dinner All empty chill' and draff; which I observing, Clapped a friend sausage in my breeches pocket, Wrapted in a rngifed " Mndisonian." Whereof by parcels 1 had something smelt. Hut naught distinctly. So 1 clutched snd bit it. Before high Heaven: 'Twas fat; 'twas passing fat. 'Twns peppery ; 'twa wondrous nennerv t I wished I had not bit it ; vet I wished Ohio pigs had made me such a sausage, So calnwainpously tn be chnwed up. UH tin end I dodge. Th Indies of Lexington. Krnhieky, presented lo the W'hiR of Ailitilnda coiintv.Oh.o, in which Mr. 1. rtide, I henuitfnl Until r. in consideration of the maiorilv which ill IWhiirs of that county gse si the StMe election in IKH it betmi neailv eWZlho nuirreento Wing majority of lh " No member deni.nl of those positions, altlmtiuh I Mate, nun sblc Uw vera tWn ihe ilis Sutet were attending tu The majority in Mr, Giddiii dUlricl la I"", for the Mr. I.iidduv remarks. Wing ticket, wa fi.V, You quia me for the sausage 1 have munched. Aud i stump you to bite a harder ono. From the Xenia Torch Light. The Tax Law. Heretofore, a large proportion of the money at in- terest, merchant' capital, capital in trade, mechanics' cap i thi, hogs, sheep, iVe., hnve, in a grent degree, escaped taxation ; but under tho new law, the whole of il, verified by oath must come upon the duplicity. And it is believed by those most conversant with tlie ulject, thnt the increase of this specie of property wilt far exceed the increased value of tin real estate. If tin should lie so, (and we ire well satisfied from our knowledge of the subject that it will,) there i no danger of the agriculturist having lo pay a greater proportion of the taxes than heretofore, and the strong pro! .ability is lltnl he will have to pay a much less. 1 hat it will increase the taxes ol those enenmc m raising pork nnd in wool growing, is true j but we conceive thnt, at thi time, no good reason enn be giv en lor allowing suen men to escape lnxaiion while ihose engngvd in raising homes or cattle are taxed o the lull amount ol their capital employed It will be seen that, although it is to be apprnisrd immediately, the taxes on real estate are not tn In lrr led under the new valuation until the year IH. In the mean time a session of the legislature will meet, and if any defects shall have been discovered in the operations of Uie taw, a W hig Legislature wilt not fail to apply the remedy. Hut enotiuli. As we said in the outset, wt have no disposition to undertake a defence of tho law t ii provisions serin to be an manifestly founded in jui-ice as to need no d etc nee. It speaks for itself, and to it we invite the attention of one and all. The Governor of Pennsylvania h approved tit- Bill granting the New York tnd Erie Railroad Com any Ihe rhl of way through a portion of Uiai Elatv.