Ohio State journal and Columbus gazette (Columbus, Ohio : 1825). (Columbus, OH), 1834-03-22

              PRINTED AND PUBLISHED BIT 30HN BJ:YIACI. AND COLUMBUS GAZETTE. (Two Dollar. Fifty cents in Advance, TERMS (Or, Three Dollars at the end of the rear New Series No. 39, Vol.111. COLl THUS, SATURDAY, JfMJiRCIi 22, 1831. Whole Number, 1333. JOURNAL Sc A5EETTE. From the New York Courier end Enquirer. No. XXXVIII.. Washington, D. C. Feb. 28, 1834. We have received information this day, that Watkins Leigh, of Virginia, has been chosen a Senator of the United States. The opposing candidate was Philip P. Harbour, an anti-proclamation, but in oilier respects a Jackson man. The Van Buren parly having no force, declined ottering a candidate. The voto was for Mr Leigh 86. For Mr Barbour 71. Mr Leigh's vote would have beef? larger, but for a lo- cnl question which recently ngiiated the State. There are two parlies in Virginia, known as tio Haatcrn or Lowland; and the Western or Upland. In the Conven tion which was held a short time since, for revising the State Constitution, Mr Leigh distinguished himself as the cham pion nt Hie lowland interest, ana in conse ouencc. it is said, lost from live to ton votes The result, however, cannot fail to satisfy the must skeptical, that an "organization according to the New York school," will no longer, it it ever did, answer in v irginia Mr Taney is not yet nominated. What a burlesque to talk about appointments by 'the 1'rnsnlcnt and senate. 1 Ins gen tlonian has now been performing the duties of Secretary of the Treasury live months, three months of which time the Senate have been in session. Was such a case ever anticipated by the framors of the Constitution! Certainly not. Hut what renders it more inexcusable is, that the President knows that a majority of the Senate do not consider Mr I aney a euitanie per ion to till that Inch and distinguished sta tion, and, therefore, lie dares not to hazard the name of Ins favorite beiore Hint honnra ble bodv; and yet, in contempt of the law and of public opinion, for the purpose of Bivmtr him the salary, lie continues to em piny him, at the head of the Treasury Do norlment. When Mr Kane of the Senate called and announced lo the President that tho Dank Directors, whom he had nominated, were rejected, llio General became inluriated and threatened to send that body a message In my letter of the 21st inst. I sny "Mr Kives lin not yet resigned, uut it is si in thnt the Kitchen Cabinet, have a plan which they with In in to pursue, and which they think, will enable them to place him on Mr Van Huron a ticket, ns Vice rresi dent. They propose that linn, Jackson hall eminent to his resignation; thai he ehU tender it forthwith; that he shall avow his determination not to accept any ollicefrom the President; that ho shall re turn home, and endeavor to obtain a seat in the next Legislature, and a re-appoint nient to the Senate of the United Slates, as thero will be a vacancy in another year. Since the date of that letter, Mr Kives lias resigned; and ho has addressed a letter to Mr Kitche, editor of the Richmond Ln quirer, which he (llitchie) publishes with out authority; but he soys, we do it "upon our own responsibility. Intrepid man How docs he know that this act will meet the approbation of Mr Kives! It is singu lsr how precisely the contents of this pri vale letter, comports with my anticipa tinns, written to you, before tho resignation of this gentleman. He Bays to Mr Milchie. "Our friends here are unanimous (lien. Jackson included) as to the expediency ol this course, as well as to tho absolute necessity of my resignation." "I beg you to be assured, and to assure all my Iriends, that no earthly consideration would induce me, standing in tho position 1 now do, to tako any Executive appointment." shall throw my-aelf, fearlessly, upon the People of Virginia, to sustain and vindicnto the principles 1 lisve contended for with the distinct understanding, that I invoke the judgment o( the people upon my conduct in the coming elections." Thus, then, in the short space of about a week, four out of six predictions, are matters of history 1st, That ho should resign forthwith. 2d. That the President should approvo it, 3d. That ho should avow his determination, not to accept an ICxecutivo appointment. 4th. That he should appeal to the people, and become a candiduto for the State Legislature. The remaining two may bo mure doubtful. I havo heard it remarked, hy some of those who are friendly to the Ki clien Cabinet, that there was an impropriety in iny publishing, from tune to time, Hie conversations and sayings of Gon. Jackson. I deny tho correctness of the remark. I owo it, perhaps, to myself, to stalo the reasons by which I hive been influenced. I contend that these conversations are char acteristic. That they are a never failing index to the mind. I hat his opinions and language, as expressed or used, in ungiiar- . ded moments, are strong indications of the principles by which ho is governed; and that they show, with great certainty, the impulses of the inward man. If these Views ira sound, what are tho American people to think of their President! It is evident that his mind ia exclusively occupied by aomo one subject. Last winter, the question respecting South Carolina kept him in a state of exciloment, during llie whole session of Congress. But this session, nullification is forgotten, and the absorbing topic is the Bank of tho Unitod Stales. In relation to this institution, the halls of the palace are kept reverberating with anathemas and denunciations. Nor are either II on so of Congress protected against abuse, the most coarso, fur attempting an inquiry into the acts of the Treasury Department. Every puny whipster that visits the Executive, is permitted, if not encouraged, to assault a co-ordinate branch of the government. To make these assaults is deemod an offering of incense at the shrine of the venerable "chief who now commands." Believing then, as I do, that in all ages, and in all countries, the real character of men in power, haa been more justly developed by their private than by their official sayings and doings, I shall, occasionally, quote such remarks of Gen. Jackson, as I may doom proper subjects fur animadversion, or calculated to enlighten the people, ns to I he qnnhnealions and disposition of their President. I will now relate an incident that occur red wiihin a tow days. A gentleuia ',1'roni a neighboring ciiy, had a line horse winch he wished the President lo see. The animal was sent to the stables of tho General. The gentlouiau called upon tho President ' In going from tlie tilting room to the ota bles, it was convenient to pass through the kitchen. Said a member of the household. pleasantly, to the stranger "You see, sir, we take you through tho kitchen." A 'refractory member of the Cabinet," who was in company, replied "But we do not all belong to it." The President, after pausing a fow seconds, added "It is impossible, however, to get on without a kitchen'." Now, these remarks are all playful, and in themselves innocent. But the observa tion of the "refractory member," and the answer, or comment ot the President, arc not without point. Nor were they intended so to be, by the parties. They are an admission, in the fullest extent, of an irres ponsible controlmg power, injurious to the best interests of the people, and disrepute- Die to the administration who permits its existence. The Spy in Washington, No. XXXIX. Washington. D. C. March 2d. 1834 It is proper thai ' should notice, briefly. tno rumours wincn are prevailing here, on the Bubjectol compromising the Bank Ques tion. The facts are, that great distraction reigns in llie ranks ol the Jackson party T . ll.A 1. . J !.-U! . ! l uniiito Holiest, unu UHBlllircIll ineilUB Oi the President have become satisfied, that some remedy for the suflerings of tho peo ple must be proposed. I hoy feel and know, mat a perseveranco in the plan winch they have adoplod, must inevitably overwhelm the country in misery and ruin. They have Become alarmed, and are unwilling to hazard consequences. In this state of things, three or four different squads in Congress, have each prepared the outlines of a new Bank bill. One sot proposes, that the mother Bank shall be in the city of Washington, under the supervision of "the go-vernment," (thereby meaning the Presi dent ) Another set, composed of bolder speculators, are for having it in the city ol New Vork. Those several projects differ, "also, matc-rinlly, from each other, in the details. One plan is, that bronchos shall be established only in such States as pass laws authorizing them. Another is. that no tbrciirner shall be permitted to own, directly or indirectly, any block mi me institution. Another proposition is, that the President shall appoint a majority of the directors: while a differ cntview is taken by some of tin parly, who suggest that there shall be no government directors; hut that tho Secretary of the Treasury shall be n officio, s director. These crude and undigested opinions ore afluat. Every practical man must perceive, mar, iney amount to nothing more than an indication that "tho party" are breaking up. Projects like these, are not the result of consultation or system, and nothing will come out ol them during the present ses. sion. They aro, however, calculated to keep alive hope; but those who anlicipate good from them, will be disappointed. No plan can, or will succeed, but a recharter ol tno present Hank with modifications. No political Hank can be obtained; and no commercial Dank will receivo, at present, the support of the Van Huron party. On this point, I say Van Buren party, because, I will not include the Kitchen Cabinet, as a whole. They are divided. I will give you a conversation on this subiect. which took place ot the President's a few days since. Two gentlemen, friends of the President, were conversing. A third entored. Suid one of them, with ereat emphasis "A Hank is necessary. We must have a Hank." To which the other replied, with an oalh, "II we must have a Hank. I am for a re- charter of the Hank." The latter personage was a distinguished member ol the rutch-en Cabinet. One great difficulty that now exists, as to tho Bank, is its location. That portion of Mr Van Hurcn's friends who wish fur a new institution, are for placing the parent Bank in the city of New Vork, and having it under the control of a particular class ot politicians. This can never be accomplished. Hut if it could, it would be ruiuous to all your interior Banks. Capitalists would, in a short time, obtain the control of it, and would, ultimately, by receiving tho country Hank paper, as llicv certainly would do. force out of circulation, more than one holf ol Hint which they are now able to cast upon the community. Tho proposition for a new Bank may answer tho purpose of stock-gamblers; but it would bo ruinous, to the regular dealer, and niennf smallcapital. The only safe means that can be adopted, for restoring public confidence, ia to recharter the present institution, with such modifications, aa public opinion may seem to render necessary. That end cannot and will nnt be accomplished during the present set-sion of Congress. Such ia my opinion, as to tho termination of the pending discussion. It is proper to add, however, that it does not comport with the opinion of many intelligent gentlemen, who imagine that they ace daily evidence of some forthcoming project, that will succeed. I think otherwise. ' Mr Polk, as chairman of the committee of Ways and Means, has prepared, or had prepared lor mm, an elaborate report on the deposit question. This report will peak tho sentiments of General Jackson, and what I consider in the present cri-is, of more consequence, the sonti moots of Amos Kendall, llie lattor gentleman, during the period it was drawing, waa absent from his ollice the greater part of his time. He was frequently at the President's, having "dropt in by accident,1' while Mr Polk was there. The report will be presented to the House to-morrow, if the chairman of the committee of Ways and Means is not prevented from offering it, by the presentation of potitions. It is said here, and the facts ought to be inquired into, that the sum of three hundred thousand dollars, appropriated for tho building for your Custom House, has been specially deposilod in your city Hanks, or assurances given, directly or indirectly, that it shall remain there, subject only to such checks or drafts as may be necessary, from time to time, in erecting the building; ond thai in consequence of this arrangement, or wilh this understanding, the Hunk or Binks havo loaned the Post Olficc Department one hundred thousand dollars. Is this true, in whole or in part! If true, it is a very good arrangement Tor the Hulks. It amounts to noihing morn nor less thin this, that they villlake charge of, and snl'ely keep the aim. of three hundred thou-aiid ddlirs, for the Treasury, provided the Post Ollice Depart ment will pay them interest on one-third ot the amount) say six thousand dollars per annum, In my last letter 1 mentioned the reiee- Hon of the Directors of the United States' Hank, nominated some time since, to the Senate. Strange os it may appear to you, the President had been persuaded, by some of his satellites, that their nominations would pass. On this subiect, as on nil oth ers, great pains were taken to keep him in ,l. 'TO.- r i , vno uuit ine consequence was, vnen lie heard of their rejection! he heeama as Col. Johnson would say "like a roaring lion. - it is now understood, that he has determined not to make any new nomination of Directors, but to leave the Bank without any Government Directors. Mow long ho will remain of this opinion depends upon conl ingenciep. I Mo vote in the Senate on the approval or disapproval of these Directors was, ayes 20, noes 25. Of tlio absentees, there was one for two O'jainst them. Ono of these Directors, however, appears to have been better known than his colleague, viz; Mr. Sullivan. Tho vole on his appointment was, ayes 18, noes 27. The Srr m Washington. No. XL. Washington. D. C. March !i. 1834, .In my loiter of the 24th ultimo, I noticed the altercation between Mr Van Buren and Mr McLane, on llie subject of tho public deposits; and I remarked, that the former had declared that those persons who advo cated a return of the deposits to the Dank oi uie united states, wore no better than the Hartford Convention men. My attention has again been drawn to this subject by a conversation which was held on Mon day, between one of the friends of the Vice President and a friend of the Bank. The Van Hurenilo repeated what had been said to Mr McLane "that iho advocates for a return of the deposits were no better than the members of the llariford Convention;" and then added "on this issue Mr Van Buren wishes to place his election as President." I am inclined to believe, that the Vice President, on this question, is so identified with tho Kitchen Cabinet, that he has consented o plnco tho result of his dec tinn on this ground, and it is no more than justice to him. that ihe people should under- sibiiu ii. i,ei tnoso who consider tho act of removal imprudent, uncalled for, or ills gal, remember that the Vice President views all such os no better than Hartford Convention men. His opinion of thorn is well known, and in using this language he applies to them the strongest terms of opprobrium, that present themselves lo his mind. It. is now well understood that the branch in your city has fallen in debt lo Ihe locul Hanks. This is a natural consequence of the state of the currency so long as the Bank of the United States does not curtail its discounts. How has this hnppened? The answer ia plain to practical Bunkers, and it may be rendered intelligible to every business man. The Bank of Iho United Slates has a large omount of notes in circulation. From every quarter of the nation, where the exchange is in favor of the city of Now York, those notes will bo procured ami remitted in payment of debts. Many of them find their way into the State Banks, in payment of debts duo to them, or in the form of deposits, and ore then presented by these Banks to Iho Branch in your city. Tho consequence is it falls in debt lo Ihe local Buiks. Tho remedy is, lhat Ihe Branch Bank must, and will curtail its discounts. Self preservalion renders it ne cessary. 1 he effect your merchants, mechanics, and traders, will soon feel. I have, lor montha past, anticipated this slate ol things, and I have frequently warned yru, and through you the interior Hanks, of the pressure that thoy will inevitably experience in the months of March and A ril. The curtailment by Ihe National Bank, will re-act upon tho country Banks, and c.iuso a ro-turn of their paper for redemption. Can they redeem it? I answer, they cannot, if somo measure is not adopted In allay the panic, and increase public confidence, A remedy must soon be found, or these Banks must suspend specie payments. As lo your Safety Fund, it ia a miserable system ol quackery. It is now, for Ihe first time, bo-ginning to bo understood out of the Slate. To talk of it is mockery. It affords no security for more than ono cent in Iho dollar of your pnper circulation. Tlio C nimittoe from Dclawaro have had on interview with Ihe President. Ilia reception of them was much in the style that he hod received olhers. They informod him, however, that tiny hod nnt come for tho purpose of arguing the Bank question; but lo obtain information as to what course he would pursue, if his "experiment" with Iho State Banks did not succeed? His re ply was that "he would then resort to hard money." Was thero ever such a cotnbina- tion of folly and madness? This morning tho President was conversing with some gentlemen on tho state of the money market. He said, that he did, not believe that thero was any pressure ten miles from Washington. It was oil on imposition. And then added, that he had just received a letter from New York, which staled that your Legislature would, probably, pass a law, incorporating a Bank with a capital of ton millions of dollars, and thai if such a Bank was incorporated, Iho whole capital would bo paid up in specie in one week. The writer ol such a letter must bean arrant fool, or a ahamelcss impostor. Of him who could believe in ita truth or even repeat its conlonts, I forbear lo utter a sentiment. Thk Spy in Washington. Proai Hie Fltllrtclphla Gazette. TO THE PEOPLE or TUB UNITED STATES, efer4. Fellow Citizens: In my last letter, i iuiuicu some-oi uie incidents wnicli occurred immediately after my entrance inlo ollice. Those incidents will have shown you that tho true nature of the servico re quired of me, was to uinpioy a cotuorva live power to effect penal ends, and to evade legislative or judicial sotion in re lation lo the United States' Bank. Believing, as I did, that the President really thought that tho preslratton of the United Stutes' Bunk would be another via lory, of which he might be proud, and that he was stimulated to consider any means justifiable to attain that end, I resolved to interpose, n i cnutu, ooiwoen nun anu uiose who were impelling him in his rush career. I waa especially unxious to disabuse him as to the legislature an, I llie judiciary ; and, therefore, in writing the lullowiiiir letter, endeavored to meet his oral declaration, us well as written arguments. In my defence I now submit this letter to you. Is it such a letter as "an emiswiry of the Bank" would have written? Does it indicate hostility to the President, or a desire to remain in office to thwart him? Could any friend struggle more anxiously than I did to snatch him from the brink of a precipice? Instead of considering mv resistance favorable to the Bank. I felt sat isfied that the President's course would aid it. Under these impressions, aa an oct of duty to tlie country, as well as lo the Pres- laeni, and, i conless, dissalisned Willi the part. I was expected to play, I wrote the following letter. Respectfully, yours, W. J. DUANE. February, 23, 1831. The Secretary of Vie Trramry In Ihe President of Ihe Uniltd Stales. TnEA9unr Department, Jult 10, 1833. Sir: I. On the first nf the present month the undersigned had the honor to receive the letter which the President addressed to him from Boston, on the 2(ith ultimo, transmitting a detailed statement of his views "upon the subject of Ihe discontinuance of the Government deposits in the Bank of the United States, and the substitution of certain Stale Banks, as the fiscal agents of the United States, so far ns Ihoso duties are now performed by that institution." If, when, early in December last, the desire nt the President that the undersign ed should assume the station which he now holds, was communicated to him, it had been intimated, that a cessation lo deposit Ihe public moneys in the Bank of the United states, without any legislation on ihe subject, was to constitute a part of the Executive policy, and that tho undersifned would he called upin to carry Ihe measure inlo effect, upon his own responsibility, it would havo been in his power to consider whether he ouirht to enter into office or not, and he would not havo been compelled, as he no'V is. either to incur Iho censure of Coner.iss. or to commence his servico by acting in opposition to lite President's wishes. But aa no intimation of any kind was given, and as the undersigned was thus to come into office, in a manner as honorable to the President's liberality, as it was flattering to his own pnd, he accep'ed the proffered honor, but still not without reluctance, resolved to perforin his dutv so liiHhliilly as lo merit politic confluence, justify the President's choice, and preserve mat invaluable treasure, his own sell re speet. If, when on Iho 30th of January lost the undersigned consented to serve, and before he hud entered on the duties of his s'ation, ho had knorvn thola change of the depository of public money, notwithstand ing the decision of rho' House of Representatives, was a part o ihe Ptesident's policy, ond very anxiously discussed in the Cabinet, it still would have be'en Ins pleasure, as well aa duly, lo consider theqin s-t ons involved csrehil'y. But, although late in Ihe month of March, the President intimated, that he was agitating Iho subject himself, the undersigned had no conception, that it wos with a view lo any proceeding prior to the meeting of the new Congress. li was not, indeed, until the evening of the day, or on the day after, I he undersigned entered inlo olliee, that lie was informed ihat n change nf Ihe depository nf the public money had been the subject of Cabinet discussion, and that upon ihe undersigned would rest the responsibility. It will nol surprise the President, therefore, to learn the sen'imenls of llie under-signed now for the first lime; nor that he mny fail lo present such an exposition of Ins views, as, under different circumstances, ho would at least have attempted to prepare. Subsequently lo the 1st ol June, the President was bo good as lo say, that ho would send to tho undersigned thu opinions of the members of his Cabinet, with his views, to be dclibcrniely reilected upon, with a view to a frank declaration of the opinions of the undersigned to the President, on his return from his Moslem tour. Those documents ivero received on the 1st instant, and tho President returned on the 4ib; so that tlio brevity of Hie interval, ond other circumstances intcrlenng, will, he trusts, he regarded as adequate apologies tor impcrleution. Whilst, uowevor, lie regrets Iho imperfection, he is consoled with the knowledge, that he is but a gleaner in the field of inquiry, after otlic rs superior to llie uudemgnod in all Iho advantages ol experience, ond with whom he will not as' sort an equality, except in purity of pur pose, and in regard lor the Unci Msgis- Irate, who has made linn their associate. II. In the conclusion of the President's letter, ho has the goodness to say, that whilst he frankly avowa Ina own opinions nnd Icelings, ha docs not intend to interlere nith tho independent exercise ol the discretion committed to the undersigned by law oil tlio subject; and that the undersigned may adopt, on tho President's responsibility. the sentiments expressed by him, in his letter, as a basis in pari ol Ins own decision. The undersigned therefore concludes, lhal he has not received the direction ot the Chief Magistrate to perform an oct of Executive duty; but that Iho President believes that Congress have a right to direct, and hold responsible, an Executive agent. And, accordingly, without expressing a doubt on that point, that might bo thought prcBumplous, the undersigned will decide on his responsibility to Congress, and that decision sholl bo Ihe same os if he had received an Executive order. This, however, will not, for a moment, be regarded by the President as indicative of the least abbreviation of the respect and attachment which, on many accounts, he entortaius for the President; the expression is used in order to evince the purfect sincerity ol the undersigned in the matter referred to him; it is used in order to make known to the President, that, however gratelul to him the undersigned may be, and however unwilling lo incur the risk of separating from hitn so soon, a separation so likely lo exposo too undersigned to tno snails ol envy or of mulico, il such exist, such considerations ore overco'ino by a souse of the high duliui imposed on him as a public auonl. Il is not more consistent with the prin ciples ot the undersigned to P'iy a houiugi lo the President, than it would bu the do sire of the President lo receive it; but, since it is so soon his fate to differ in opin ion from the President, the undersigned boldly soys, that no one could have been called lo the station, now filled by him. who could nave had a more anxious desire than the undersigned had, to render the evening of the President's life as tranquil as Us noon had been glorious. It n very painful to him, therefore, to be obliged to decline to adopt the course described in the President's letter; he has the consolation, however, that the very opposition establishes a claim to the President's respect, and is a sure guarantee of sincerity. Trusting, therefore, to that magnanimity on tho part of the President, which is inseparable from the purity of his own inten tions, the undersigned will frankly stale some of llie reasons that have drawn him to the conclusion ot which he has arrived. In doing so, he will present the result of brief, but anxious reflection, and incidentally such observations as a perusal of the President's letter demands. III. With regard to the Bank of the United States, even if the und esigned did not consider it unauthorized hy the Con stitution, he ovows Ins deliberate and un biased belief, that the renewal of its charter would be inconsistent with the duration of the happiness and liberties of the people. These sentiments are not formed as a poller moulds his clay, lo suit the fash-inn of tho times, or the order of the customer: Ihey are not the sentiments of a man, who has a latent grief to assuage, or an injury to ovenge: they ore tho opinions of on individual, who, although bowiny, to he law, as every good cilizen should do, 'nil respecting the opinions of others, has "ever omitted a lair occasion to utter his nispassionate belief, in opposition nnt only do the present, and to the former Bank of tthe United Stales, but to all such monop ones. Without any desire, therefore, to arairn uncharitably the motives of olhers, the un di-rsigned i satisfied, that many of the acts of the Bank, lhat ore complained of. do but jus'ify his uniform apprehension of such institutions; he conceives lhat the Bank has forfeited oil claims to favor, and that, if chartered, with such a weight of com plaint against it, iho charter might almost as well be perpetual as limited. Bui, whilst these are the senliments he entertains, and whilst as an individual he might, in every fair way, utter and publish, in language becoming a freeman, his strong remonstrances and upbraiding at the 3 per cent, transaction, and others; he does not consider it proper, os a public officer, lo pursue any other than an open, decided, and authorized course. Ho' is persuaded that vindictive justice is so much at variunce will) the best feelings of tho human heart, that a res rt lo a measure of lhat kind, would, by the repugnanco lh.it it would creoto, tend to mergo Ihe uioro essential consideration of the lutura destinies of llie country. At present the Bank stands, if not con victed, arr lioned. befnre the country it h is put itself in the wrong; and the atock- noiuers nave not manifested on inclination even lo inquire into thu cans of compUinl against tho directors. Public opinion s uu favorable to the continuance nf the iustilu lion. It is obviously the conviction of dis passionate men, loot no modification can control an institution that has the elements of evil in its composition nnd existence. The dictates of prudence and policy, there-lore, demand that, nothing should be done against the Bank, that might conceal jua-tice under the veil of svmpathv. uu (i in iii question was pui in me people by thu President, ond left to them, in such terms, and in such forms, as to absolve him ri. : ' ' 1- Irom oil accountability. In this, os in other instances posterity will do justice to ih purity of his purposes, ond the vigor of his acts. And there is no occasion, either for Ihn present, or future to adopt a course different from the open nnd manly one heretofore pursued. It is not requisite ill order to prevent a rcnowal of legal life, lo resort to measures lint might bo regarded os extreme, if not utterly needless. IV. The undersigned is persuaded, lhat the measure would be regarded as extreme and arbitrary, forlhesa reasons: These reasons, which aro detailed too much at length to bo admitted conveniently in this paper, are substantially Iho following: 1. Tlio charier is tho law of (ho Intnl. It is n contract, that cannot bo dis solved, or altered, without muiual consent, or forfeited without inquiry. The public deposits are a benefit to the limk, lor which il has piid a consideration; nnd their continuance is a pari of the contract. 2. The measure would be considered extreme and arbitrary, because the last Congress acted upon complaints against the Hank; ond because ihe nexi Congress in iy follow the example of the last. The abili ty of the Bank to meet its engagements was fully admitted by the last C uigress; anu miming has since occurred to create any doubt as to Ihe correctness of their decision. The Secretory can, Iherctnro, ussign no smisfustory reason lor ihu remo val oflhu deposits. .Mr Duona then pro- ceeda to argue the question at considerable length; and alter arriving ul the cone usion that he has no power to rumov-i Ihe public deposits from the Bank of the United Slalea, much less to direct them to be placed in the Slate Banks, he concludes as follows;! Ihe undersigned migiit proceed, ina more extended discussion of tlio subject unuer consiueronun, ii sucu were neces sary. He has tried to shun the uaths al ready beaten by thosa whose opinions tho Proridcnt has availed himself ol. Ha has, indeed, conaullod his own heart and head os his arbl'ors. He has appealed to the aid o! common sense, as well asol official iuielli-geuco, and will here close his rem irks. Nothing but a prolounj conviction ol being in me rigni, cuutu nave induced the under signed lo like Ins Ural step, in opposition lo what is so ouviuusly the ProsiJeui s am cure desite. 1 he indersigued has too great a respect for the judgment of the President, and loo liltlo confidence iu Ins own, dogmatically to say, that the Presi de nl is mistaken, and Ihe undersigned can not be ao. Happily, it the proposed inea lure realiy is essential to any grout or good end, it ia not in llie power of any man, mucii less llie undersigned, to set huniell up successfully against tlio Chief Magistrate, lo whom ilia country owes so much. Far Iruin seclitnj such celebrity, the uu dersigned is prepared to nuke any pers m al sucrilice, except an acquiescence' in u measure, that he positively b -lievet lo be at viiriunco with his obligations lo llie country, Ihe P.esideut, and himself. In any event, no changu can bo made n those sentiments of sincere respect ond attachment, which will ever be entertained for the President, by his obedient servant, W. J. DUANE. ,el(er 5. Fellow Citizens My principal object in addressing these letters to you, has been to repel attacks upon my reputation, obviously sanctioned by the President of the United Slates. And if I had made no other defence than tho letter, which I od-drossed to him on tho l!)th of July, I oin satisfied it would havo protected mo from the false and malignant aspersions of his official paper. In submitting that loiter lo you, I have defended myBolf against the President's assaults, and ot tho bhiih time removed the doubt, which appeared to have been entertained by some of the members of the Senate of the United States, whether the President had been duly warned as to the consequences of his proceedings. So that of oil my objects in addressing vou. so far as the public aro concerned, but one ro- mains to bo executed; that of explaining the circumstance connected with the uiis-sinn of an agent to mako inquiries os to the substitution of State Hanks for the Bank of the United Slates, for conducting the fiscal operations of the government. In giving this explanation. I shall remove another doubt, expressed in the Senalo of the United Slates, whether an effort had been modo to ascertain the consequences of the removal of the deposits upon the relations of the United Stales' Hank, and the State Hanks towards each oilier. I shall show thai, important as such an in quiry was, the President would not consent Hint it should be made. Hut before I proceed to those explana tions, you may nesire to Know llie inci dents which Inllowed the delivery of my letter of the 10th of July; a desire on your part which may bo the more readily gratified, as a narrutivo of ihoso incidents will materially lead to the subject of the mission, which I havo just referred to. I delivered lo the President, on tho 12lh of July, my lulter of Iho 10th of that mouth. If he had bo en disposed to respect the frankness on my part, which he hod not only invited but required, no sort of uissaiisiaclion would have been felt by him, wuen no read my letter. Un the contrary, as it wos his b a-tntl rule of conduct al ways to do what ho thought right himself, ne suouid have commended mo tor hollowing his nwn example. And if he meant lo respect Ihe promise, which he gave uie, nol to interfere with the independent exer cise of the discretion committed to tho Secretary of tlie Treasury over the dopo-its no would havn cousid red our correspondence closed by the letter before him. Hut rumor, particularly agil i ut Washington, soon romuved sii-pens Miu my pari; and its report was confirmed by a cold and almost querulous note Iruin the President himself, which, in pffn. announced that he would not respect my sincerity or nis own promise. I lo inquired what fi-cal ag 'lit I proposed in lieu of Iho II ink of the United .Slates, since I ohjeclud lo Unit llink and the Stale Hanks ulso; and desir ed an inlorview on the suoject on the 1'iih of July. Accordingly, on lhat day I waited on Iho President; but os it is nut needful to my dclenco lo mention tlio particulars of our conversation, I will barely say, that as to a fiscal agency, 1 rel'urred to my letter of the lllih of July. In that letter 1 hail represented, tint the adoption of a fiscal agency was a legislative duty, ond lhat the whole subject of the currency must bo considered by Congress, in providing for the s tlety and transmission of the public funds. lyoiisequeiitly, ns tho mere agent ol Con gross, I would not venture beyond my own spliera, however inclined I might be respectfully lo moke suggn-lintis thereafter. the rresitlcul hnally said, he would send tno on answer In mv letter of tho lllth of July, ond he accordingly did so on thu 17th of that month. Tins reply was explana tory, and perhaps I iniy odd exculpatory also. As soon as 1 received it, I wrote a commentary, dated Iho l!);h of July, and would have delivered it but lor tlie considerations which I shall now mention. When Iho President was at Huston, he necessarily addressed mo by letter; but, when ho relumed, although his loiter to mo claimed a wiitten reply, I perceived no necessity for the coiitiniiiiueo ul' it form 1 corrcspoudenca. On the contrary, il seem, ed lo me lo be incorrect, that two agents of Iho sumo people, who met every day lor the common goo I, should net as if tin y vvcro tlio represent Hues ol antagonist powers. On uther mibjeols, Iho Prosnli'iil and heads of departments hud no such formal intercourse; and I considered it my In ' y not to encourage it, although by withholding this letter 1 did violence to my personal toolings, Hesi.les, it was perfectly obvious, that it was not with the President 1 was m easuring Ihu weapons of argument; but that 1 wos thrust at from behind thu tap-stry, without any power on my part to return tho blow, except upon tho President, who really seemed to b t unconscious that it had been struck. Hy this I moon, tint in writing tho President was mule to insinuate h it was al vanuuee wiih Ins own declarations; so lhat I was compelled to believe either that ho was unconscious of what was written for linn, or else that ho was deceitful to me. 1 adopted Iho former of these alter ii it i ves as the most charitable conclusion, espe -ially as I became inure am! more satisfied that the President was mil guided, as to the deposit question nt least, by his constitutional advisers, but impelled by persons who had sinister views. Accordingly, I concluded to promote personal intercourse only, ond even Mattered myself that if communication by letters could be terminated, tlio President would adhere to his assurance not to "interfere with the independent exorcise of the discretion committed to the Socrotary of the Treasury by law over the subject" of the deposits. Under tho iuiliienca of these feelings, nnd In avuid suspense, I waited upon the President twice o:i tho l'Jih, and again on thu 20th of July. At these in terviews ho said ho wanted an inquiry only; mil, on iny saying Unit Ins letter of June 2i h iutlicited an actual removal by llie loth of September, he remarked that the II inks tiiigiil not Dgreu lo lb-' nuiy phm ho ihougltt safe, that of inuiii.il gua-a itoe; 'luil inlorinati'iti oiio'it to he obtained, even ,'or llie lite of Congress; lb ;t ho cone net! I tiiig'il In co-operate in collecting u; that lie uas desirous that .Mr Keiulall ah.iuhl make inquiries; and that we might remain uncommitted, until after a consideration of the questions that were connected with a change of the depository. Well disposed to obtain information, which I believed would undeceive the Pre. sident, ond considering that a knowledgo of Ihe facts to bo collected must bo useful, in any evenr, i con-enied, as a ministerial act, to prepare a lelterof instructions for the President's agent. When I had written it, I waited upon the President on the 22d of July, not. doubling but that he would confer with mo as to the points of inquiry embraced in it, and indicate any imperfection or omission. Hut in this I was greatly disappointed; for ho dosirod me to leave the letter of instruction for his examination, adding, Unit he would 6ce me after he hud con-idered it. I will here lay that letter before you. Here follow the instructions, as originally proparetl by Mr Duane, which direct tho agent to inquire of the principal Hanks in tho cities of New York, Philadelphia, Duimnoro, ana Huston, whether they would consent to receivo the public funds on certain conditional therein stated, if, in the opinion of llie Seoretory of the Treasury, it Khould becomo necessary lo romovo them from tho United States' Bank prior to the expiration of its charter on llie 4th "f March, 183U. The last oaroirrnnh of these instructions, containing an explicit declaration that tlio inquiry wa nnt to ha understood ns an indication of the Socre. tary's intention to rouiove the deposits, was strongly obj-cted to by Ilia President,-who ordered it to he struck out. and also made sundry alterations in some of the other paragraphs, tho purpart of which was to authorize llie ngont to propose or accept ne ,v plans, A brief correspondence onsu-ed, between Gen. Jackson ond Mr Duane, which, as its substance has boon already published, it is not deemed necessary to copy; oiler which the latter proceeds as follows: The instructions thus altered, were on the 23d of July sent to the agent, who soon after proceeded on his mission. He returned early in September, and on Ihe Oth of that month his report was submitted to tho President. The plan of B ink agency, doomed by tlio President the only solo one, had been almost unanimously rejected by the State Dank-'. The materials from which the condition of the State Hanks was to bo ascertained, were very imperfectly furnished. No inquiry, beyond lhat which resulted in Iho ogent's report and Correspondence, was, to my knowledge, made. Nor was thoro any discussion in my presence, or oIIitwisb to my knowledge, as to the- agent's report nod correspondence, or any plan of State Bank agency. It' any member of the administration understood wh it was to bo the system of future fi-ral op-rations, I was not lhat person, a;t!iouoh I nlt-mively read all lhat was sub inlted. Yet it was into tin', chaos I was required prec pitttely to pluuje the fiscal operations of the country, at a moment when th y were conducted by Ihe legitimate agent with the utmost simplicity, safety, and ili-palch. In niyown def-nee as well as from pub. lie considerations, I have submitted lo you ibis account of tho instructions, given to the President's agent. It was due to myself to show that the instructions, as reported to Ihu Senntn, are not in the shops in which I presotited them to the President. My prineipil o'oj 'cf, however, has been to stale the important fact that the President would not per. oil his own agent to collect information, that might hove disabused bis own mind, or instructed his Cabinet, whom he uffucted to consult. If tho information called for by the instruction! as at first proposed, had been collected, I feel satisfied that it would havo indicated the evil consequences, which have followed the mea-aurcs nf the President. Whether theso acts, thus wantonly executed, evinced patriotism and magnanimity, or a subserviency to a selfish cabal, you ore competent to determine. W, J. DUANE. March 2, 1931. Stoves! Stava! Stoves!.' 'HIIIE iiiburiberi would respectfullyin--ia. form tlieir frieudi and Ihe puhlio, thnt they Ii ire now on hand nod nro comtmitly receivini St ives of every description, suitable lor Mm m irkut. Anion which are. 7 ond It) Piute, ol' llv.i dnIY-renl liiei Prank-liu'i, wiih uu I with iut tloori, of different izei and p i I term Ujx mid Sheet Irou Stuvct likfwiie, C 0 G &T , of n variety of piitlorni nnd of the Intcit improvement!, which nro warranted equal lo liny lobe loon, I in the United Suites. They itill o uiti iuo to manulaclurd every deiorip-linn of Copper, Tin, & Sheet Iron ! II VJ 11 11 & Theirttnr.li lining I ir and prices much re tlticud, they feel n ooulonoe in laying they will compete with nay eslnbliihmenl weit of the nriinitnitii. Country produce in general taken in oxolinnje. W. A. GILL 4' Co. Coluinbni, Nov. 4, 1833. 10 6m 100 li)l!.u s ICcnnrd! H g A N A W A Y from theiubicriber, in Ka-aitaV n twfin county, Vs., about the 6nt of Aiigmt I. ill, a nc.ro boy eighlem years old; mmill of liil Hcci rulli hittiiilf JOHN TK-CUMSF.II. Suid bnr ii a mulatto has a oar over one eye; of a thin visage ; a dish noie; mid liui a considerable knot on one of hit HtiklM, on Ihe iitsidv; nnd in oonver-ulion is given lo hoaitinr, nnd it quite peculiar in his plirnsuoloiiy. Sinoa hit etcapa h hat been in Marietta, Ohio, where he wot taken, but again made hit PtcHps. He has sines been hunrd of between Guyantlotta and Chilhcuthe; nmt is probably making for the L ikes. The nnove reward will bo given lo any period who may secure thutnid runaway iu liny j iii in Ohio, so Unit I get hitn nain, ROBERT HI.Al.N'E. Feb ll I'Jol 31 3m The t'ehlori of Iho S deto G incite nnd Gal-llpolis Journal, will puhli'h Ihe above two in onli1, and charge the same to llie Kanawha Hauler. ''lour. f) 4r UU!.''. be-l family FLOUR, for sole In L'lmn k GREGORY, .Un, '.1 SB MmMM